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974.4 
M386g 



ENKAL.O&Y COLLECTION 



ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 



3 1833 01101 0169 



1 "-T * 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2013 



http://archive.org/details/collectionss2v1mass 



COLLECTIONS 



MASSACHUSETTS 



HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



VOL. I. 

OF THE SECOND SERIES 



BOSTON: 

JOHN H. EASTBURN, PRINTER 

1838. 






.-■■ ■ ■ - • - • r 



CONTENTS. 






ANNIVERSARY Discourse 



Page. 

Act of Incorporation ------- l 

Laws and Regulations 3 

Alphabetical List of Resident Members - 8 

Corresponding Members - 10 

Officers of the Society, &c. 13 

Circular Letter -------- 14 

Articles on which the Society request information - - 15 

Directions for preserving animals - - - - - 18 

Method of preserving skins of birds - - - - 19 

Methods of preserving animals and their skins - - - 20 

Method of preserving birds and other animals - - * 21 

Method of collecting and preserving vegetables 23 

Method of taking impressions of vegetable leaves 24 

Method of preserving marine productions - 25 

On collecting mineral and fossil substances - ib. 

Bacon and Ingram's Rebellion 27 

Account of Fires in Massachusetts - - - - 81 

Letter respecting mounds, &c. - - - - 103 

Progress of Medical Science - - - - - 105 

State of religious liberty in New- York - - - - 140 

Account of the dissenting interest 156 

English Missionaries In America - - - - - 158 

Memoir of Rev. Charles Morton ib. 

Account of Rev. Charles Morton 161 

Notices of the Town of Shrewsbury - - - - 162 

Memoir of Rev. John Lothropp 163 

Topographical description of Needham - - - - 178 

Topographical and historical description of Lunenburg - 181 

Note on Attleborough 184 

Letter from Richard Henry Lee to Samuel Adams - 186 

On the cultivation of the Oak - - - - - 187 

Ecclesiastical history of Massachusetts - - - - 194 

Memoir on Dr. Eliot 211 

Letter from Rev. I. Smith 249 

" " Bishop of LandafT 250 

Memoir of Hon. James Sullivan 252 

" " Rev. William Emerson 254 

Notices of Isaac Lothrop, Esq. - - - - " 258 






DISCOURSE 



BEFORE THE 






MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 

BOSTON, DECEMBER 22, 1813, 



AT THEIR 



ANNIVERSARY COMMEMORATION 

OF THE 

FIRST LANDING OF OUR ANCESTORS 

AT 

PLYMOUTH , 

IN 1S20. 



BY JOHN DAVIS, 

A MEMBER OF THE SOCHI' 



babet ipsa suos Hero as alitque 

Religio ; sed enim stimulis melioribus illos 
Exacuit quam spes ineertee laudis et auri 

Exitiosa fames, ac turbidus ardor honorum 

Anti-Lucretius, 



PUBLISHED BY REdUEST OF THE SOCIETY. 



BOSTON: 

PUBLISHED BY JOHN ELIOT, NO. 5 COURT STREET. 
1814. 



RE-PUBLISHED BY JOHN H. EASTBURN. 
1836. 



DISCOURSE, &c. 



GENTLEMEN OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 

OBEDIENT to your invitation I attempt to of- 
fer some suggestions adapted to the day, which you are 
assembled to celebrate. 

1 should feel much solicitude in standing as your rep- 
resentative, and, in some sense, as the interpreter of your 
views and sentiments, on your first celebration of this 
anniversary, were I not assured of meeting an interest in 
the subject, which must banish all fastidiousness, and 
that candour which is the inseparable inmate of generous 
and elevated minds. 

A year of gloomy aspect is now drawing to a close, 
and we have arrived to that season, when, as we are in- 
structed, the Almighty " sealeth up the hand of every 
" man, that all men may know his work." Amidst the 
many contemplations, prompted by such intimations, it 
cannot be an unsuitable employment to look back to the 
origin of our state, and to revive, in recollection, the tran- 
sactions and the toils of our pilgrim fathers, who, at 
such a season, first landed on these shores. 

We are ordinarily impelled rather to look forward to 
the future, than to trace the scenes that are past ; to in- 
dulge the pleasing visions of hope, than to engage in the 
severer exercises of reflection and inquiry. Both have 
their use, the one for encouragement, the other for in- 
struction. Such, indeed, has been the rapidity with 
which these western stars have advanced towards their 
meridian, that it seems but yesterday since the time of 



IV 



their rising. A nation has been born in a day, and in 
looking backward to our origin we can scarcely be said 
to be looking into antiquity. 

Until the voyage of the intrepid Smith, in 1614, this 
portion of the American region was very imperfectly 
known. He surveyed its coasts with characteristick assi- 
duity, and delineated its outline on a chart, which evi- 
dences the accuracy of his observations. Leaving the 
high craggy rocks and stony isles of Penobscot, Pema- 
quid and JSagadahock, he dwells, with marked satisfac- 
tion, on the more genial shores of Naumkeak, the sandy 
Agavvam, the fair head-land Tragabigzauda, and then the 
country of the Massachusetts, which he describes as 
" the paradise of all these parts." " For here," said he, 
" are many isles planted with corn, groves, mulberries, 
" savage gardens, and good harbours. The sea coasts," 
he continues, " as you pass, shew you all along large 
" corn-fields and great troops of well-proportioned peo- 
" pie. [A.] This distinguished adventurer had been em- 
inently instrumental in the settlement of Virginia, and 
now was equally ardent in recommending to his country- 
men the virgin's sister, New England, for such was his 
own appellation of a region which appears to have taken 
a strong hold on his affections. 

The time had arrived, when this fair territory was to 
be occupied by civilized inhabitants. Many causes con- 
curred to produce this desirable transfusion from the 
European world ; but it was ultimately accomplished up- 
on other principles and views than its enterprizing eulo- 
gist had inculcated. 

The history of the New-England establishments ad- 
mits a natural division into three periods. The first 
from the commencement of the plantations to the revolu- 
tion in England, on the accession of the Prince of 
Orange, when the principal colony received a new 
charter. 

The second will extend to the achievement of inde- 
pendence. 

The third embraces the years, which have elapsed 
since the peace in 1783 to the present times. 



The latter portion and part of the second is involved in 
the history of the United States. In the remarks, which 
may now be offered, I shall confine myself to our primi- 
tive ajre and to some connected considerations suggested 
by the occasion. 

It is a period of brief extent in the history of a nation, 
not exceeding- the age "of man. But brief as it is, it pos- 
sesses peculiar interest, not only to the American peo- 
ple, but to all of every country, who delight to contem- 
plate the progress of civilization and the amelioration of 
the human condition. 

The expansion of intellect, and the spirit of enterprize, 
which arose in England, and especially in the long and 
distinguished reign of Elizabeth, prompted many superi- 
our minds to engage in remote discoveries, and to project 
the establishment of foreign plantations. The settlements, 
however, which had been attempted in this part of Amer- 
ica, upon the views of princes, statesmen and merchant- 
adventurers had not answered the expectations that had 
been indulged. To humbler men was reserved the hap- 
piness and the honour of effecting a successful and per- 
manent establishment. Amidst the persecutions and suf- 
ferings for a frank expression of conviction and adherence 
to religious truth, the characters were formed, which 
should be fitted for this arduous work. In that severe 
school did the little band, w 7 hom we this day commemo- 
rate, receive their discipline, and acquire that heroick 
hardihood, which enabled them to surmount the difficulties 
and distresses to which they were exposed. It required, 
indeed, the most vigorous exertion of those elevated prin- 
ciples by which they were actuated not to sink into des- 
pondency, amidst the hardships and calamities of that 
dreary winter in which they commenced their settlement. 

The whole number of the company was but one hun- 
dred and one. Of these, eighteen were women, who ac- 
companied their husbands in the voyage, and sustained, 
with calm endurance, their full portion of adversity ; forty- 
two were children and servants. [B.] 

With all their industry, the huts, which they could erect 
at that season of the year, were comfortless abodes. The 



VI 

winter, indeed, appears not to have been so severe as is 
common in this climate, but was probably more rigorous 
than they had before experienced. Amidst their many 
privations and continual apprehensions from the natives a 
desolating mortality prevailed, and before the end of 
March, only one half of their original number remained. 
Happily the mortality ceased with the advancing spring, 
and the sick speedily recovered. Early in April they 
despatched the ship which had conveyed them, and we 
cannot but admire the resolution of the miserable remnant 
that they could witness her departure without embracing 
the opportunity to escape from the sad scene of disaster. 
But they had declared themselves to be men not easily 
to be discouraged and " weaned from the delicate milk 
" of their mother country." They were pledged to their 
brethren in Leyden to prepare a place for their reception. 
They were the forlorn hope in an enterprize, which had 
been most deliberately debated and adopted, and with 
unshaken faith and constancy they adhered to the peril- 
ous station. 

The sudden death of Carver their beloved governour 
was a severe calamity. Soon afterward the spirit of his 
afflicted consort was released from the burden of its woes, 
and then the hand of the destroying angel was stayed. 

Under the guidance of Bradford, the worthy successor 
of Carver, the affairs of the plantation were managed with 
ability. The new settlers were instructed by the faithful 
Tisquantum in the cultivation of the native giain of the 
country, and the summer elapsed without suffering or 
complaint. But often afterward they experienced the 
bitterness of want, which they sustained with undiminish- 
ed fortitude. Their Leyden friends arrived at different 
intervals. The exertions to bring over these companions 
diminished their means, and a scanty support for the orig- 
inal number was participated with the new comers with 
cheerful kindness. The pressure of their wants obliged 
them to make successive voyages along the neighbouring 
coasts, and to the fishing stations at the eastward, and the 
zeal and enterprize of these persevering men appears 
more admirable when we consider the insignificant state 



Vll 

of their navigation. Their first voyage to Kennebeck 
was in an open boat, and the men, who navigated their 
little barks at all seasons of the year, and on dangerous 
coasts, possessed not the experience or habits of seamen. 
To borrow their own language, " they had only been used 
" in their native land to a plain country life and the inno- 
" cent trade of husbandry." The urgency of their wants 
compelled them to new habits and arduous pursuits on an 
unaccustomed element. In those enterprizes their in- 
trepid leaders were always prompt to engage. " The 
" first voyage to Kennebeck," says governour Bradford, 
" was made by Mr. Winslow and some old standards, for 
" seamen we had none." 

Four years after their landing, their settlement contain- 
ed only one hundred and eighty persons, and thirty-two 
dwelling-houses. It was a prudent caution to enclose 
their town with an impalement, and to erect a fortress on 
the commanding eminence by which it was overlooked : 
but their amicable arrangements with the natives, in the 
vicinity gave a more effectual security from their incur- 
sions. 

A trade was opened with the Indians, with the Dutch 
on Hudson's river, and to Penobscot. On the Kennebeck, 
they had a valuable grant of territory from the council for 
New-England, and, in the year 1633, some of their com- 
pany entered the beautiful river Connecticut, and erected 
houses of trade on its banks. Agriculture, their favourite 
pursuit, commanded general attention as their settlements 
were extended, and the colony advanced, though by slow 
degrees, to maturity and strength. In 1685, it was divided 
into three counties, and in the same year their body of 
laws was revised and published. It is a small but venera- 
ble volume, and contains many marks of the wisdom and 
piety of the framers. Their constitution may be thought 
defective in respect to that correct division and balance of 
power, which more profound statesmen have found neces- 
sary for a just expression of the publick will and for the 
security of private rights. Their class of capital offences 
may be considered as too extensive, and their judicial 
system would seem to leave an alarming latitude to the 



VI11 



discretion of the magistrate. [C] But there will be found 
evidence of their correct conception of many of the most 
important principles of civil and political liberty. Their 
good sense will be acknowledged in the express adoption 
of the common law of England in cases suitable, re- 
curring less frequently than did some of their neighbours 
to inconvenient or inapplicable regulations derived from 
the Jewish ceconomy ; and their careful provision of the 
means of instruction in piety, virtue and knowledge will 
entitle them to the respectful estimation of every intelli- 
gent examiner, to the grateful veneration of posterity. 

Their successful enterprize and peaceful establishment 
afforded encouragement to all, who felt the yoke of oppres- 
sion in their native country. In about ten years after their 
settlement, commenced the colony of Massachusetts, [D.] 
in its vigorous origin and rapid growth far surpassing any 
preceding American establishment. In ten years from 
the commencement of Plymouth Colony the number of 
inhabitants did not exceed three hundred. In an equal 
space of time from the settlement of Massachusetts, more 
than twenty thousand persons had arrived, and three hun^- 
dred ships had been employed in their transportation. In 
money and commodities, in artizans of every necessary 
description, in the means of defence, and all the furniture 
of a state, there w 7 as a correspondent superiority. The 
rapid rise of this powerful neighbour was beheld with ad- 
miration and delight by the Plymouth planters. The ac- 
cession of such numbers of their countrymen, perfectly 
according with themselves in political and religious senti- 
ments, ensured strength and permanency to their institu- 
tions. They had aspired to the humble honour of being 
stepping stones to others, and there was now an early and 
glorious accomplishment of their ardent hopes and most 
consoling anticipations. 

It seems to be in the order of Divine Providence to at- 
tach the most impressive lessons to the tender sentiment 
with which we behold afflicted innocence and suffering 
virtue. 

The Massachusetts settlers, those who were under the 
conduct of Endicott, as well as the more numerous body 



IX 



under the leading of Winthrop and his renowned asso- 
ciates, though they arrived in a milder season, and were 
furnished with far superiour accommodations, were yet 
destined, like their precursors, to witness the death of 
many of their companions in the earliest stage of their es- 
tablishment. Some of the victims were of distinguished 
eminence. Such were Johnson, Rossitef and Higgin- 
son, and the history of the fathers manifests the sad 
solemnity with which they surrounded the grave of the 
lady Arabella. [E.] 

It would be interesting to trace the progress of this 
memorable colony, in its civil and ecclesiastical relations 
from the first court of assistants on board the ship Ara- 
bella, and the congregation of the reverend Wilson as- 
sembled under the great tree at Charlestown ; but the 
necessary limits of this discourse would forbid the attempt, 
if I could suppose that the details were not familiar to 
my intelligent auditors. 

The succession of churches indicates the progressive 
order of their settlements, in this vicinity. Boston, al- 
though soon selected as the metropolis, is the fourth in 
the order of churches. Salem, Charlestown, and Dor- 
chester preceded it. Then followed Roxbury, Lynn, 
Watertown, Cambridge, Ipswich, Newbury, Concord 
and Hingham, and all in the first seven years. [F.] From 
the bosom of Massachusetts proceeded the settlers of Con- 
necticut, then followed New Haven. The wilderness 
blossomed in every direction ; and before the close of the 
century there were in the New England colonies one 
hundred and thirty churches, and all, with few excep- 
tions, supplied with pastors. [G.] 

The first planters of Massachusetts, though puritans, 
had not, like Mr. Robinson's society, separated from the 
Church of England before their arrival in this country. 
As soon as they were at liberty to pursue, unimpeded, 
their own ideas of ecclesiastical order, they adopted, with 
little variation, the practice of the Plymouth settlers. The 
independence of churches was the leading feature of their 
scheme, which was elaborated into a system of church 
" 2 



government and discipline by the platform of 1648. 
Considerable difficulty appears to have been experienced 
to maintain an uniformity in many respects so desirable, 
without an approximation in their establishment to a Na- 
tional Church, which was the great object of their dislike 
in the parent country. This obnoxious feature, whether 
manifested in Episcopalian or Presbyterian rule, they 
could not endure, and at length adopted the communion, 
or, as some of their writers express it, a colloquy ol 
churches ; a mere government of influence, by which the 
liberty of churches w r as maintained, and many of the ad- 
vantages, which might be derived from a superintending 
authoritative control, were secured. Ecclesiastical con- 
cerns occupied much of the attention of our ancestors in 
every stage of their progress, and they had men of the 
first ability to construct the Congregational system, which 
they established. Wilson, Cotton, Norton, Hooker, Dav- 
enport, Shepard, Stone, Mitchell and Chauncy, were 
names of great and deserved celebrity on both sides the 
Atlantick. They professed to adhere to scripture rule, 
and none can doubt their sincerity. But, in every con- 
struction of this sort, there will inevitably intrude a mix- 
ture of human invention, which it was their declared 
principle to avoid. 

In a subsequent synod, the platform was unanimously ap- 
proved " for the substance" This convenient qualification, 
(which it has been found more necessary to apply to the 
confession of faith agreed upon in 1680) in a good degree 
avoids an injurious infringement of the right of private 
judgment, and is a necessary accommodation to the re- 
sults of a laudable exercise of free investigation. On 
such topicks, while we reverence the wisdom and sincerity 
of the fathers, their deductions, however explicitly mani- 
fested, should not be too closely pressed. They had not 
entirely escaped the misty breath of the schools, and dia- 
lectick thorns still bristled to the view. From some of 
their conclusions, the modern inquirer will appeal to the 
high standard of truth and duty which they so profoundly 
reverenced ; and to those, who would urge a precise re- 



XI 

gard to the sentiments of antiquity, he will say, with Sam- 
son in the Agonistes, 

A little onward lend thy guiding hand, 

a little further on, 

For yonder bank hath choice of sun or shader; 

There I am wont to sit 

There I feel amends, 
The breath of heav'n fresh blowing, pure and sweet, 
With day-spring born. 

Intensely as our fathers were engaged in every thing 
bearing relation to their religious concerns, they were not 
unmindful of the other important interests, necessarily 
emerging in every state of society, and especially urgent 
in their novel situation. In the transfer of the corpora- 
tion to this country, they must have soon perceived the 
inadequacy of their charter, in its exact construction, to 
many of the essential requisites of a commonwealth. [H.] 
They did not hesitate to exercise the powers, which their 
situation required, and having, with so much toil and ex- 
pense, provided comfortable abodes in these ends of the 
earth, they, in most instances, managed their affairs as an 
independent people ; and, indeed, not unfrequently avow- 
ed principles, which would render their allegiance to the 
prince, whom they acknowledged, little more than nom- 
inal. [I.] They formed a representative assembly, levied 
taxes, erected judicatories, declared war, made treaties, 
established a confederate union, coined money, and car- 
ried on a diffusive commerce, with occasional checks, but 
no effectual interruption from the crown, until the demo- 
lition of their charter in the reign of Charles the Second. 
In the time of Charles the First, a fatal blow to their 
privileges seems to have been meditated. But affairs at 
home, of more pressing importance, occupied the attention 
of the monarch and his principal advisers, and prevented 
the execution of the strict and coercive scheme of colonial 
polity which was in contemplation. Thus, in the address 
of Massachusetts to Cromwell, the poor exiles, as they de- 
nominate themselves, in reference to their condition under 
their recently decapitated monarch, merely say, that they 
" sometimes felt and often feared the frowns of the 



XI 1 



44 mighty." — During the prevalence of republican swaj in 
the parent country, New England enjoyed a brief sun- 
shine of favour. Their commerce had peculiar indul- 
gences, and suddenly expanded, with vigorous growth, in 
every direction. At the restoration they had -much to ap- 
prehend; but by discretion and firmness, the ability of their 
agents, and the powerful interposition of transatlantick 
friends, they appear to have avoided any very serious in- 
terruption, until the close of that unprincipled reign, when 
the Massachusetts charter was vacated. [K. } Their po- 
litical anxieties at that period, and in the subsequent reign, 
seem to have exasperated the temper of those who were 
then on the stage of action, and, in some measure, to have 
disturbed their judgment. Doubts, jealousies, and fears 
prevailed. That cheering and salutary confidence, which 
they had habitually reposed in the leading men of the 
state, was frequently impaired. The susceptible Norton 
sunk under the unmerited reproaches resulting from his 
agency to the English court. His associate, Mr. Belling- 
ham, sustained the storm of censure with more firmness, 
and lived to witness a returning rectitude of opinion and 
moderation of temper among his constituents. 

44 Through a salutary neglect," says Mr. Burke, in re- 
ference to the American colonies, " a generous nature 
44 was suffered to take her own way to perfection." In 
thus taking their own way our ancestors were sometimes 
thought unreasonably rigid and precise, and to have in- 
stituted exceptionable terms of admission to the privileges 
and immunities of their association. Time will not per- 
mit a developement of the grounds of defence with which 
they may be supposed to have been furnished. If the con- 
siderations suggested by Judge Minot* will not consti- 
tute a complete vindication, and if, with every allowance, 
we must still find something to regret, the apology of the 
Tyrian queen to her Trojan guests, must be theirs, the 
pressure of circumstances, and the infant state of their 
government. 

" Res dura et rcgni novitas me talia cosunt 
« Moliri " 

* Continuation of Hist, of Mass. ch. I. See also a judicious note on this subject in 
Dr. Holmes' American Annals. 1. 380. 



Xlll 

The few exceptionable features, which may appear to 
views induced by a more enlarged experience and more 
liberal conceptions, are of inconsiderable import when 
compared with the great and manifest benefits derived from 
the steady prosecution of their system of policy. Never, 
perhaps, has been exhibited a more rapid progress of so- 
ciety, a more successful application of those moral ele- 
ments in the economy of nations, which are the best and 
surest sources of general felicity. 

The government, though popular in its construction, 
was influenced in its most important operations by the 
wisdom, public spirit, and foresight of superiour minds. 
In their extending settlements, every suitable provision 
was made for the maintenance of civilization and order. 
Activity, energy, industry, and harmonious concert ani- 
mated the whole community. A happy mediocrity pre- 
vailed, equally removed from excessive opulence and the 
depression of poverty. A salutary and permanent dif- 
fusion of the gladsome light of literature, was, in the very 
infancy of the colonies, secured by the establishment of 
Harvard College, the child of their fondest hopes, and 
ever the cherished ornament of our country. A legal 
provision for schools, in concert with the general disposi- 
tion of parents, produced an extensive inculcation of the 
minor branches of learning. The civilization and relig- 
ious instruction of the natives was pursued with laudable 
assiduity. [L.] Agriculture, commerce and arts con- 
tributed to the support and comfort of a rapidly increasing 
population, and their achievements in war, in which they 
were occasionally compelled to engage, evidence their 
military strength, and their capacity to defend the precious 
possessions which they had acquired. [M.] 

An affectionate and respectful remembrance of those 

K worthies, who here laid the foundation of our multiplied 
enjoyments, is a debt of gratitude. We possess a goodly 
heritage, and it should heighten our sense of obligation to 
recollect, that a generous foresight was a distinguished 
characteristick of our ancestors. An ardent desire to lay 
a solid and lasting foundation for the best interests of pos- 
terity influenced all those plans of policy so expressive of 



XIV 

their wisdom. In every stage of their enterprize they 
were prompted by an enlightened humanity, and a pros- 
pective reference to the happiness of their descendants. 

To contemplate the characters of such men is not less 
our interest than our duty, as a source of improvement. 

"' Just men they were, and all their study bent 

"To worship God aright, and know his works 

" Not iiid ; nor those tilings last, which might preserve 

41 Freedom and peace to man." 

Their eventful story has also interesting connexions. 
It brings to view many elevated characters, some of them 
of a preceding age, whose energy of thought and manly 
deeds influenced the affairs of nations, and prepared the 
way for the settlement and civilization of a waste of wil- 
derness. It connects with the reformation, that most in- 
teresting event in the history of modern times, which, af-, 
ter a night of superstition and ages of corruption, operated 
like a renewed revelation of religious truth. 

Intimately associated with the reformation is the rise 
and progress of the Puritans. Of those despised and per- 
secuted men, it is a remark of Hume, that " it is to this 
" sect, whose principles appear so frivolous, and whose 
"habits so ridiculous, that the English owe the whole 
" freedom of their constitution." "We shall take the com- 
" pliment," says Dr. Priestly, " and despise the reflect- 
ion."* There is, undoubtedly, much truth in the observa- 
tion of the celebrated historian, and the tendency of relig- 
ious dissent to favour the principles of liberty is sufficient- 
ly obvious. It is certain, that those principles may be 
studied to advantage in the history of our ancestors. Not 
indeed so eloquently displayed, as in the writings of a 
Harrington or a Sidney, but seen in practical operation and 
confuting the opinions which had before prevailed, even 
among many of the wise, that the maxims, which they 
maintained, were inconsistent with publick safety, tran- 
quillity and order. There is reason to believe, that the ex- 
ample of our ancestors, the sentiments and views which 
they inculcated, and the maxims to which they adhered, had 

* Lectures on Hist, and Gen. Polity- 



XV 

considerable influence in favouring the cause of liberty in 
England, in the continual conflict of the people with the 
princes of the Stuart dynasty. [N.] 

It is another recommendation of a familiar acquaintance 
with our early history, that it tends to generate a love of 
country of the best complexion, and of the highest order ; 
a love of country, chastened and improved by elevated 
sentiments and dignified examples. It affords, also, the 
means for a more perfect understanding of the character 
of a people, standing in connexion by descent with such 
foundations, and may enable the statesman and the politi- 
cian to form a more just theory of society ; to ascertain 
what measures it may be prudent to adopt, and what will 
probably fail of success. 

It may be said, that the tree is known by its fruit, and 
that a consideration of the present state of society will af- 
ford a sufficient guide for political conduct. That the 
tree is known by its fruit, is, indeed, true, in its important 
moral application, and yet in a limited sense. If we 
would improve the quality of the fruit, or increase the 
product of the tree, determine what ingraftment it may 
receive, what pruning it demands, or what it will endure, 
we shall require a knowledge of something more than the 
fruit, an acquaintance with vegetable physiology. 

The ruffled surface of society breaks, confounds and 
distorts the images of things ; in the mirror of history, all 
is seen distinctly, as the smooth and peaceful lake reflects 
the foilage of the surrounding forest. 

I will venture to suggest another consideration, which 
may not be unworthy the attention of the guides and 
guardians of youth. 

If a martial spirit may be enkindled by listening to the 
exploits of heroes, and the student be excited to literary 
industry by the lives and writings of scholars and philos- 
ophers, may not the most interesting impressions be pro- 
duced by a familiar acquaintance with those holy men, who 
were the founders of our state. When once convinced 
of their puritj, sincerity and wisdom, may not the near 
relation, which v/e bear to them, give a salutary influence 
to their example, a^d their language and sentiments, dif- 






XVI 

ferent as they are from what are now current in society, 
afford some facilities to the reception of that sacred vol- 
ume with which they were so familiar. [O.] 

A recurrence to this primitive age may be further re- 
commended, as tending to the amelioration, of the heart 
by an innocent gratification of taste. 

Antiquity has charms to sooth the imagination, and it is 
unnecessary to analyze the process by which the ac- 
knowledged effect is produced. 

" Shall 1 attribute it to nature or prejudice," says Cice- 
ro, " that when we behold any of the places, which have 
" been frequented by personages worthy of renown, it 
" makes a stronger impression upon us, than the hearing 
" of their actions, or reading their writings ;" and he in- 
troduces Piso, thus addressing his friends, while walking 
in the academy at Athens. "My mind is filled with 
" Plato, who, we understand first used to dispute in this 
" place. Here walks Speusippus, there Xenophon, and 
" there his auditor, Polemo ; and, indeed, when I used 
" to look around our senate-house, I mean that of Hostili- 
" us, not the new one, which seems to be lessened by its 
" enlargement, I had Scipio, Cato, Lselius, but above 
" all, my grandsire before my eyes."* 

This is the language of nature, and every well disposed 
mind accords to the sentiment. What classick reader has 
not been sensibly touched, when Virgil's shepherds, in 
their rural walk, discern the tomb of Bianor appearing in 
distant prospect. 

We have but few sepulchral monuments of our ances- 
tors ; but when familiar with their history, and fortunately 
it is most minute, this metropolis, its hills, harbour and 
islands, the river which laves its shores, and every neigh- 
bouring village, will bring their revered images to view. 
On the spot where we are now assembled, we may behold 
Johnson, at a little distance, Cotton, at the governour's 
garden, the revered Winthrop, at Charlestown, Harvard, 
at Cambridge, Hooker, at Dorchester, Warb^m and Ma- 
verick, at Roxbury, Dudley and the vener^le Eliot. [P.] 

* De fin. bon. et nial. Lib. V- 



XV11 

To contemplate this fair theatre of their transactions, in 
its wild and savage state, presents many interesting repre- 
sentations ; but how is the scene brightened and adorned 
by the features which civilization and refinement annex 
to the picture. The busy town and the rural cottage, the 
lowing herd, the cheerful hearth, the village school, the 
rising spire, the solemn bell, the voice of prayer, and the 
hymn of praise. Simplicity, purity, and all the multiplied 
ingredients of human happiness seize on the fancy and har- 
monize with our best affections. From associations of 
this description, the painter and the poet have derived 
their happiest conceptions. The mighty mind of Milton 
could build on chaos, and travel through the universe 
like a seraph ; but, generally, the finest and most durable 
performances of poetick genius have been prompted by do- 
mestick scenery, and animated by a reference to charac- 
ters, objects and events, not so familiar as to have become 
insipid, nor so remote as to be destitute of interest. 

It may be reserved for some native master, or, perhaps, 
some mistress of the lyre, to give a happy confirmation 
to these suggestions. 

It is a most interesting use of history, to bring to view 
the conduct of Divine Providence in the direction of hu- 
man affairs. Among the events in the history of the 
world evidencing the benevolent purposes of the Deity, 
there are many which have occurred in the settlement and 
progress of our country. We cannot, be ignorant with 
what strength this sentiment was impressed on the minds 
of our fathers. The greatest caution, says a profound 
and pious writer, is requisite in our researches on this 
subject. I tread on hallowed ground, and, knowing the 
precision of thought and accuracy of inquiry which such a 
topick demands, I shall readily obtain your excuse for 
confining myself, on this occasion, to the mere suggestion 
of a sentiment, the truth of which is indubitable and of 
high importance. 

Such, gentlemen are the considerations which I have 
ventured to connect with the subject, which it has been 
your pleasure to call into notice by this appointment. 



XVlll 

In determining on a publick discourse before your Soci- 
ety on this day. you evince a generous recollection of 
men of little note in the times in which they lived, but now 
held in deserved estimation. You have placed in your 
museum, as valued memorials, their utensils, their arms, 
and their trophies, and, by this celebration, now give a re- 
newed and more emphatick expression of the reverence 
with which you regard them. These are honours, which 
those lowly men could not have anticipated, and which, if 
they can now attract their notice, they would not lightly 
esteem. Those, who were born and nurtured around the 
cradle of New England, may be disposed to imagine 
themselves authorized by the departed pilgrims to tender 
to you their acknowledgments for this distinction. 

It is not every nation that would willingly scrutinize 
into their oiigin, and exhibit the lineaments of their pro- 
genitors with fidelity and truth. The converted Anglo- 
Saxons, we are told, remembered the practices of their 
ancestors with too much abhorrence to record them for 
the notice of future ages.* Happily we labour under no 
such embarrassment. 

It is the object of your Society to collect and preserve, 
and to diffuse by publication, such documents and wri- 
tings as relate to the history of our country. In the exe- 
cution of this employment, none will question your faith- 
ful regard to the duties imposed by the nature of your 
institution. The Collections of this Society bear honoura- 
ble evidence of assiduous research, and the separate pub- 
lications of some of your associates have long been distin- 
guished. I shall mention only those, who are departed. 
From Sullivan, the first president of this society, we 
have the History of Maine, and are gratified, that his active 
mind, amidst his multiplied occupations, was led to a sub- 
ject from many causes involved in perplexity. Belknap 
gave to his country a finished work in the History of New 
Hampshire, and we have never ceased to regret, that his 
American Biography could not receive the completion 
which he intended. A portion of the modern history of 
Massachusetts was sketched with dignity and grace by the 
hand of Minot. It is grateftil to have left to us by 

* Turner's Hist. Angl. Sax. 



XIX 



Emerson the History of the Ancient Church with which 
he was connected ; and our Collections are enriched with 
some valued productions from the pen of the venerable 
Lincoln. [Q.] The humbler labours of a Pemberton 
deserves acknowledgment, and we can never forget how 
much we owe to him, who was last taken from our circle. 

I remember once accompanying a respected stranger 
to visit an ancient cemetery in this metropolis, and observ- 
ing a plain tablet bearing for an inscription simply the 
name of Mather. We were conducted by one, who 
now sleeps within the same enclosure, and on the stone 
marking the place of his interment will be seen the name 
of Eliot. It is sufficient. It points to men eminent in 
the church, and among the lettered ornaments of our 
country ; to us it presents the cherished image of one, 
who was the pride of our Society, the delight of his friends. 
Cheerful and serene was the happy tenour of his life, filled 
with active industry, warmed with benevolence, ani r 
mated with piety. The memory of the fathers to him 
was precious. He illustrated their history with just dis- 
crimination, and will ever remain associated with their 
remembrance. 

When deprived of a fellow-labourer so industrious and 
able, it will require the augmented exertions of survivors 
to repair the loss, and to accomplish the laudable objects 
of the Society. A stated literary exercise, affording oppor- 
tunity for the discussion of interesting historical topicks, 
may be considered as an useful and pleasing appendage to 
your customary publications. Of such topicks there is 
an abundant variety, and if they should be annually as- 
signed for this anniversary, there can be no apprehension 
of an uninteresting iteration. You are not pledged, how- 
ever, in regard to any future celebration of this memora- 
ble day, and it is not for me to anticipate your determina- 
tions. Whether the repetition be uninterrupted or occa- 
sional, the character of the Society gives sufficient assur- 
ance, that decorous and instructive lessons will be uni- 
formly inculcated, promotive of that intelligence, which 
is honourable to a nation, and the healing sentiments of 
mutual kindness and good-will. 



trail 



NOTES. 

TA. P. iv.] The quotations in the text are from the u Gen- 
o.all Historic of Virginia, New-England and the Summer Isles, 
by Captain John Smithy" published in London, 1627. In book 
VII. he observes, " That part we call New -England, is betwixt 
the degrees of forty one and forty five ; but that part this 
discourse speaketh of, stretcheth but from Penobscot to Cape 
Cod, some seventy five leagues by a right line distant from each 
other : within which bounds I have seen at least fortie severall 
habitations upon the sea-coast, and sounded about five and twen- 
tie excellent good harbours, in many whereof there is anchor- 
age for five hundred sail of ships of any burden, in some of 
them for one thousand ; and more than two hundred isles, over- 
grown with good timber of divers sorts of wood, which doe 
make so many harbours as required a longer time than I had 
to be well observed." — " Surely by reason of those sandy cli r ts, 
and clifts of rocks, both which we saw so planted with gardens 
and corn-fields, and so well inhabited with a goodly, strong and 
well proportioned people, besides the greatness of the timber 
growing on them, the greatnesse of the fish, and the moder- 
ate temper of the aire (for of five and forty not a man was 
sicke, but two that were many years diseased before they went, 
notwithstanding our bad lodging and accidental! diet) who can 
but approve this a most excellent place both for health and fer- 
tilise ; and of all the four parts of the world I have yet seen 
uninhabited, could I have but means to transport a colony, I 
would rather live here than any where, and if it did not main* 
taine itselfe, were we but once indifferently well fitted let us 
starve." 

According to Dr. Robertson, History of America, Book X. 
this territory was named New England by Prince Charles ; but 
it appears, by Smith's account, thas this name was given by him- 
self, and that when he presented his discourse with the map, 
his highness, at his entreaty, changed the barbarous names of 
some of the places for English names. Of these he gives a 
list. Cape Tragabigzanda, so called by Smith in grateful re- 
membrance of a Turkish princess, from whom he had received 
kindness in his youth, the prince named Cafe Ann, in honour of 
his mother ; Massachusetts River he called Charles River, and 
to Accomack he gave the name of Plymouth. Of twenty nine 
names given by the prince, only those three remain. It is evident 
by the map, that Accomack and Plymouth correspond ; but, when 
our ancestors arrived there, they were informed by Samoset, 
that the place was called Paluxet. This difference cannot now 
be explained. Perhaps the natives occasionally changed the 
names of places, as it is known they frequently did those of 
persons. 



XX 



mentioned by Smith 
He probably had 



among the wild fruits 
reference to some of 



ib u rid ant 



the country. 

is indigenous 
has been found 



Only 
in 
in 



signed 
JMourt's 



at Cape 
Relation. 



Harbour, 
Purchas, 



their 



Mulberries are 
of Massachusetts, 

the raspberries or blackberries abundant in 
one species of mulberry, (morns rubra,) 
North America, and it is not known, that it 
Massachusetts. 

[B. P. v.] The solemn contract, 
Nov. II, 1620, (O. S.) appears in 
Morton, and several subsequent publications. 

Mr. Prince gives a correct list of the subscribers, with 
titles and the number in their respective families, copied from 
Governour Bradford's manuscript history. That manuscript is 
unfortunately lost. It was deposited in the library in the tower 
of the Old South Church, in Boston, and was not. to be found af- 
ter the siege, at the commencement of the revolutionary war. 
I insert the interesting catalogue, as given by Mr. Prince. The 
names thus marked (f) are of those, who brought their wives 
with them. Those, who died before the end of the next March, 
are distinguished by an asterism. Three of the company, Samuel 
Fuller, Richard Warren and Francis Cook left their wives either 
in England or Holland. They probably afterward came over, as 
their husbands remained in the settlement. Governour Bradford, 
as Mr. Prince observes, modestly omits the title of Mr. to his own 
name, which he ascribes to several others. 

Mr. John Car vert 



William Bradford! 
Mr. Edward Winslowf 
Mr. William Brewster| 
Mr. Isaac Allerton| 
Capt. Miles Standishj 

John Alden 
Mr. Samuel Fuller 
*Mr. Christopher Martinf 
*Mr. William Mullinsf 
*Mr. William Whitef 
Mr. Richard Warren 

John Howland of Gov. 
Carver's family. 
Mr. Stephen Hopkinsf 

*Edward Tillyt 

*John Tilly t 

Francis Cook 

*Thomas Rogers 

*Thomas Tinker)* 

*John Ridgdalef 

*Edward Fuller! 

*John Turner 

Francis Eatonf 



*James Chilton^ 3 

*John Crackston 2 

John Billington"f 4 

*Moses Fletcher 1 

# John Goodman 1 

# Degory Priest 1 

^Thomas Williams 1 

Gilbert Winslow 1 

*Ed\vard Margeson 1 

Peter Brown 1 

*Richard Britterige 1 
George Soule 

of E. Winslow's family. 

*Richard Clarke 1 

Richard Gardiner 1 

*John Allerton 1 

Thomas English 1 
Etiward Dotey 
Edward Leister 

Both of Stephen Hop- 
kin's family. 



101 



New England Chronology, 85. 



XX11 

From the same accurate compiler we collect the following bill of 
mortality to the end of March, when the fatal sickness, with which 
they were visited, subsided. 

Deaths in December, ..... 6 

January ..... 8 

February . . . . .17 
March 13 



44 



This number comprizes, of subscribers to the civil 
compact ......... 

Dorothy, wife of W. Bradford 
Kose, wife of Capt. Standish 
Mary, wife of Isaac Allerton 
Elizabeth, wife of Edward Winslow 
Women, children and servants whose 
names are not kown 



21 
4 

19 



44 



"[C. P. viii.] This remark is more applicable to Massachusetts 
than to Plymouth Colony. " The Jury," says Governour Hutch- 
inson, " sometimes gave their verdict, that there were strong 
grounds of suspicion, but not sufficient evidence to convict. 
The court would give sentence upon this verdict, and punish 
for many offences, which, by the evidence upon trial, the party 
appeared to them to have been guilty of, although he was not 
convicted of the particular crime he was charged with. Secun- 
dum allegata el probata was a rule of proceeding to which they 
did not confine themselves." He adds in a note, " Mr. Hinckley, 
governour of Plymouth, writing to Mr. Stoughton for advice, in 
1681, he answers him, the testimony you mention against the 
prisoner, I think is sufficient to convict him ; but in case your 
jury should not be of that mind, then, if you hold yourselves 
strictly obliged by the laws of England, no other verdict but not 
guilty can be brought in ; but according to our practice in this 
jurisdiction, we should punish him with some grievous punish- 
ment, according to the demerit of his crime, though not found 
capital." 

Hist, of Mass. I. 104. 

[D. P. viii.] The great body of settlers, under Governour 
Winthrop, arrived in 1630, but the foundation of the colony 
must be referred to the establishment made by Mr. Endicott 
and his small company, at Salem, in 1628. In the number of 
emigrants, and of the ships employed in transporting them, men- 
tioned in the discourse, a slight deviation from exactness is in- 
dulged for the sake of an expression in round numbers. In re- 



XAlll 

gard to the period, within which this transportation was effected, 
I am convinced, that five years more should be added. Hutch- 
inson, indeed, says, that the importation of settlers ceased in 
1640. He inserts the number which had arrived as expressed 
by Johnson, " since which," he adds, " more persons have re- 
moved out of New-England to other parts of the world, than 
have come from other parts to it." The Rev. Dr. Holmes, in 
his annals, following Josselyn, places his estimate, with some 
indecision,, three years earlier, 1637. If Johnson is to be re- 
garded, these dates are too early. u In the transportation 
of these armies of the great Jehova, for fifteene years space to 
the year 1643, about which time England began to endeavour 
after reformation, and the souldiers of Christ were set at liberty 
to bide his battells at home, for whose assistance, some of the 
chiefe worthies of Christ returned back, the number of ships 
that transported passengers in this space of time, as is suppos- 
ed, is 298. Men, women and children passing over this wide 
ocean, as near as at. present can be gathered, is also supposed to 
be 21200, or thereabouts."* 

In his thirteenth chapter he gives an estimate of the expenses 
of the enterprize, " which, should they have cast up before- 
hand," he observes, " the most strongest of faith among them 
would certainly have staggered much and very hardly have set 
saile." 

" The passage of the persons, &c. . . . 95000 

" The swine, goates, sheepe, neate and horse . • 12000 

" Getting food for all persons, for the time till they could 

bring the woods to tillage, . . . . 45000 

" Nayles, glasse and other iron worke for their meeting- 
houses and dwelling houses, before they could raise 
any meanes in the country to purchase them . . 18000 

" Armies, powder, bullet and match, together with their 

great artillery . . . • • . . 22000 



192000Z. 



" Beside that which the adventurers laid out in England, which was 
a small pittance compared with this." To this is to be added, as 
Hutchinson suggests, the price of their patent given to the council 
of Plymouth, and payments made to the sachems of the country. 
" Well might they complain," he remarks, " when their titles to 
their lands were called in question by Sir Edmund Andross ; their 
labour in clearing and improving them was of more value than the 
lands after they were improved, and this other expense might be out 
of the question." 

* Wond. Work. Prov. Z\. 



XXIV 

[E. P. ix.'J The lady Arabella Johnson, daughter of the Earl of 
Lincoln, was the wife of Mr. Isaac Johnson, one of the assistants. 
She came (says Mr. Hubbard,) from a paradise of plenty and plea- 
sure in the family of a noble Earl, into a wilderness of wants ; and, 
although celebrated for her many virtues, yet was not able to 
encounter the adversity she was surrounded with ; and, in about 
a month after her arrival, she ended her days at Salem, where 
she first landed." 

John Humphrey, chosen deputy governour, at the second meeting 
of the company in England, married the lady Susan, another daugh- 
ter of the Earl of Lincoln. He arrived with his family in 1 632, 
and was immediately chosen an assistant. He settled at Lynn, 
but afterward, having met with great losses by fire, and his estate 
being much impaired, he sold his plantation and returned to Eng- 
land. — Hutch. Hist. Mass. I. 21. 

There were several other ladies of distinction, who, with laudable 
resolution, encountered the perils and hardships of commencing 
an establishment in this country. Samuel Whiting, first minis- 
ter of Lynn, married a daughter of Oliver St. John. John Shear- 
men, minister of Watertown, married a grand daughter of the 
Earl of Rivers. 

The instances of female magnanimity, which adorn our early his- 
tory, remind us of the memorable address, made by the lady of 
P. Arias, who was appointed Governour of Darien, in 1514, by Fer- 
dinand King of Spain. It is recorded by Peter Martyr in his se- 
cond Decade. Part of it is subjoined in the translation of Richard 
Eden, made in the reign of queen Mary I. 

il She, following the magnanimitie of her aunt, perceiving her 
husband now furnishing himselfe to depart to the unknown 
coastes of the new world, and those large tractes of lan$ ; arid 
sea, spake these words unto him : My deare and well beloved 
husbande, we ought not now to forget that from our young 
yeares we have been joyned together with the yoke of holy 
matrimonie, to the intent that we should so live together and 
not asunder, duryng the tyme of our natural life ; wherefore, 
for my part, to declare my affection herein, you shal under- 
stande, that whithersoever your fatall destinie shall dryve you, 
eyther by the furious waves of the great ocean, or by the many- 
folde and horrible daungers of the lande, [ wyl surely beare you 
company. There can no peryll chaunce to me so terrible, nor 
any kynde of death so cruell, that shal not be much easyer for 
me to abyde, than to live so fane separate from you. It were 
much belter for me to dye, and eyther to be cast into the sea, to 
be devoured of the fyshes, or on the land to the canibales, than 
with continual mourning and bewayling, to live in death and 
dye lyving, whyle I consume in lookyng rather for my husbandes 
letters than for himselfe. This is my ful determination, not 
rashly, nor presently excogitate, nor conceived by the light 



XXV 

phantasye of woman's brayne, but with long deliberation and good 
advisement." 

" We have had advertisement," adds the historian, " since 
their departure," that she (being brought up, as it were, among 
soft feathers*) hath with no less stout courage snsteyned the 
roarings and rages of the ocean, than did eyther her husbande 
or any of the maryners brought up even among the sourges 
of the sea," 

[F. P. ix. ] In the arrangement of the the twelve first churches 
in Massachusetts, I follow Johnson, ( Wonder Working Provi- 
dence.) It has been doubted, whether the order of succession, 
as given by this writer be correct. " If the First Church at 
Boston," says Dr. Holmes, " be considered as translated in its 
organized state, from Charlestown to Shawmut, it was the 
second church gathered in Massachusetts ; if as a new and dis- 
tinct church, from the time of its division, it was the seventh "'\ 
In the Collections of the Historical Society, vol. X. 314, Bos- 
ton First Church is accordingly placed as the seventh, and Wa- 
tertown as the sixth. This disposition supposes, that the time 
of the formal separation, October 14, 1632, must be assumed as 
the earliest date of the Church at Boston, previously to which 
six other Churches had been organized. Johnson, in placing 
Boston as the fourth, probably had reference to the time, when 
so large a portion of the congregation had removed from 
Charlestown to Shawmut, that religious worship was attended 
on the south side of the river. The Rev. Dr. Kendall in a note to 
his Century Sermon, delivered at Weston, Jan. 12, 1813, con- 
tends, that Watertown Church is coeval with that of Charles- 
town, and even that it has claims to priority, and to be consid- 
ered the next after that of Salem. His conclusions are sup- 
ported by citical research, but are not entirely satisfactory. It 
is doubtful, 'whether Watertown Church can be considered as 
constituted by the covenant, signed at Charlestown, July 30, 
1630. That instrument appears to have more extensive refer- 
ence : and it will bo difficult to admit Dr. Kendall's position, 
though ingeniously argued, that the date of the formation of 
Charlestown Church, must be postponed to August 27, of the 
same year. That was the day of Mr. Wilson's ordination ; but 
according to Mr. Prince, who is not to be disregarded, but on 
full evidence, and who quotes fits authorities, the church was, 
formed July 30. In regard to the objection, that it would re- 
quire at least seven to constitute a church, and that only four 
are mentioned as entering into church covenant at Charlestown, 
on the thirtieth of July, it does not appear, that this refinement 
occurred, or was considered valid by Mr. Wilson, who was ona 

* Molli pluma (ut est in prorerbio-) educatam — ■ 
t Amer. Ann, I. 267. 



XXVI 

of the four ; and on the next Lord's day August 1, " five more," 
says Mr. Prince, "join the church at Charlestown — who, with 
oihers, quickly added, chose Mr. Wilson for their pastor." 

It is not easy to determine, why the church at Roxbury is 
placed by Johnson at an earlier date, than that of Watertown. 
JYIr. Eliot was the first minister of Roxbury. He did not come 
into the country until November, 1631, and more than a year be- 
fore that time Mr. Phillips is mentioned, in Winthrop's Journal, as 
the minister of Watertown. 

[G. P. ix.] The enumeration of churches is taken from Dr. 
Cotton Mather's Hecatompolis, or Ecclesiastical Map of the 
Country in 1695, (Magn. I. 27.) of which the following is a 
summary. 

Number of Churches. Vacant. 

Plymouth Colony 

County of Plymouth 7 1 

Barnstable 6 

Bristol 6 2 

19 
Martha's Vineyard 2 

Rhode Island 1 

Massachusetts 

Suffolk 15 

Middlesex 21 3 

Essex 20 1 

Hampshire 8 2 

— 64 

New Hampshire 5 

Maine 3 2 

Connecticut 
County of Hartford 12 

" N. London 9 1 



" N. Haven 6 

" Fairfield 9 



36 
130 12 



An Episcopal church, a Baptist congregation, and a congrega- 
tion of French Protestants in Boston are not included in the enu- 
meration, nor the Indian churches in the several colonies. To sup- 
ply the abovementioned churches, there were 123 pastors ; two of 
the churches in Boston, and those in Andover, Ipswich and Salem 
having two. Dr. Mather has designated, by an appropriate mark, 
all that were educated at Harvard College, and the number of that 
description is 106. 



I 



XXV11 

[H. P. xi.] During the solicitations for a restoration of the 
old charter of Massachusetts, after the revolution in England, 
Mr. Hampden, a zealous friend to the colony, requested the 
opinion of Mr. Hooke, a counsellor of eminence, which is in- 
serted in Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, Vol.- I. 363.. 
" Should they have their charter," says Mr. Hooke, " they would 
want, 

1. Power to call a parliament, or select assembly ; for there 
many thousand freemen have thereby an equal right to sit in their 
general assembly. 

2. Power to lay taxes and raise money, especially on inhabitants 
not being of the companv, and strangers coming to, or trading 
thither. 

3. They have not any admiralty. 

4. Nor have they any power to keep a prerogative court, prove 
wills, &c. 

5. Nor to erect courts of judicature, especially chancery 
courts." 

[I. P. xi ] Mr. Hooke, in the opinion above mentioned, pro- 
ceeds to observe, " the deficiency of their charter appears from 
their practice, having used the aforesaid powers without any 
grant," and he proceeds to specify instances in which they had 
exercised their charter powers, otherwise than the charter di- 
rected. 

In 1661 a large and respectable committee was appointed by 
the Genera] Court, to consider and debate such matter or thing 
of publick concernment, touching the patent, laws, privileges 
and duty to his majesty, as they in their wisdom shall judge most 
expedient." The report is in the appendix to Hutchinson's histo- 
ry, Vol. I. It treats of their liberties and their duties of alle- 
giance, and contains a frank and manly avowal of the political 
theory which they maintained. The new and difficult questions,, 
involved in the discussion, were met with ability and firmness. 
" They are already hardened into republicks," said the earl of 
Clarendon in the draught of his plan for sending over commission- 
ers in 1664, quoted by Governour Pownal from a manuscript copy, 
in one of his publications on American affairs. 

An able and eloquent display of the great movements in human 
affairs, which led to the peopling of this part of America, and of the 
characters, principles and views of those who accomplished it, will 
be found in a-JDissertation on the Canon and Feudal Law, written 
by the Hon. John Adams, and published in Boston in the year 
1765. 

[K. P. xii.] Among the distinguished friends of New-Eng- 
land, were the family of Ashurst and Hampden, Sir Robert 
Boyle, and, in earlier times, Lord Say and Seale and Lord Brook ; 
the two last had thoughts of removing to this country in 1635 






XXV111 

at the time when Mr. Pyrin, Sir Arthur Haselrig and Oliver Crom- 
well, indicated a similar intention, but were prevented by express 
order of the king. 

The dispositions with which our ancestors were regarded, by an 
ingenuous mind, is manifested in the introduction to iVJr. Hooke's 
opinion on the subject of the charter, mentioned in the preceding 
note. He speaks of "two parties which solicit the affairs of New- 
England ;" one of them was desirous of bringing the whole territory 
under a captain general to govern by commission from the king, 
without any respect to former characters. In opposition to this 
party, Mr. Hooke emphatically pronounces and commends the 
character and conduct of the colonists, " who have maintained 
civility," he observes, " beyond any other people on earth." 

In the appendix to the history of the early part of the reign of 
James II. by the late Mr. Fox, is preserved a letter from Barillon 
to Louis 14th, which discloses the debates in the privy council, after 
the charter was vacated in 1684, relative to the powers to be given 
to Colonel Kirk, appointed governour of New-England by Charles 
II. Lord Halifax, it appears, resolutely and generously contended 
against the infliction of an arbitrary government on the colonists ? 
and that the rights and privileges of Englishmen should be fully ex- 
tended to them. It is not to be supposed that the affairs of New- 
England were of any interest to the French embassador. This in- 
formation was communicated to his sovereign, as affording some 
ground of expectation, that Lord Halifax, who had urged sentiments 
so ungrateful to the king and his favourites, would soon be dis- 
placed. 

Mr. Fox makes a more interesting application of the incident. 
<l There is something curious," says he, " in discovering, that even 
at this early period, a question relative to North American liberty, 
and even to North American taxation, was considered as the test 
of principles friendly, or adverse, to arbitrary power at home. But 
the truth is, that among the several controversies which have arisen, 
there is no other wherein the natural rights of man, on the one hand, 
and the authority of artificial institution on the other, as applied re- 
spectively, by the whigs and tories to the English constitution, are 
so fairly put in issue, nor by which the line of separation between 
the two parties is so strongly and distinctly marked." 

£L. P. xiii.] A corporation, in England, for propagating the 
gospel among the Indians, commenced a correspondence with the 
commissioners of the United Colonies of New England, in 1650. 
The commissioners were employed as agents for the corporation, 
during the continuance of the union. The exertions in this humane 
and laudable undertaking were attended with considerable success, 
of which a full and interesting account, written by Daniel Gookin, 
may be seen in Historical Collections, Vol, I. 



I 



XXIX 

[M. P. xiii.] Our ancestors were distinguished for their at- 
tention to military affairs, a spirit which has uniformly prevailed 
among their descendants. It is recorded, that M. Wilso'iV,^ the 
first minister of Boston, gave 1000/. to the colony, for the pur- 
chase of artillery. In a narrative of the first thirty years by 
Old Planters, a military display at Fox Hill is described, in lan- 
guage more lofty than perspicuous. It probably has reference 
to the muster of " the two regiments of the Bay," in May, 1639, 
at Boston, mentioned in Winthrop's Journal. The number of 
soldiers was one thousand " able men, and well armed and exer- 
cised. They were headed, the one by the governour, who was 
general of all, and the other by the deputy, who was colonel. 
The captains, &.c. shewed themselves very skilful and ready in 
divers sorts of skirmishes and other military actions, wherein they 
spent the whole day." 

Their courage and skill were put to a severe test, in some of their 
contests with the natives, especially in the war with the Pequots in 
1637, and in the more arduous and protracted conflict with Philip, 
which commenced in 167,5. 

[N. P. xv.] Referring to the commencement of the plantations, 
the Old Planters, in the narrative abovementioned, observe, " A 
letter than from New-England, and for a considerable time after, 
was venerated as a sacred script, or as the writing of some holy 
prophets ; it was carried many miles, where divers came to hear 
it." The writer, indeed, intends merely to express the religious in- 
terest which was excited; but there is reason to believe, that an 
influence of a political impression was also promoted by their opin- 
ions and example. 

Mr. Prince exposes the temporizing conduct exhibited by many 
in the reign of Elizabeth.* To this, the magnanimous self-de- 
nial, which was evinced, on the severe application of the act of 
uniformity in 1662, is a memorable contrast. That signal dis- 
play of integrity and adherence to conviction, may, in part, be at- 
tributed to the firmness and consistency, which had been exhibited 
by the New-England exiles. Several of the ejected clergymen, 
under that oppressive act, and many of their people, emigrated to 
this country. 

[O. P. xvi.] In any application of the writings of the New- 
England ancients, to the purposes suggested in the text, some 
discrimination will be requisite, or the object in view may be 
defeated, and, indeed, impressions of an opposite character pro- 
duced. The early writers will, it is apprehended, be found 
preferable to many of the next generation, and to some of a 
later period. The simple, unaffected manner of Winslow, 
Bradford, Winthrop, Dudley and Gookin, give their writings a 

* N. E. Chronol. 226, 227. 



XXX 

superiority to the Wonder Working Providence, the Old Planter's 
Narrative, and the Magnalia. 

Oldmixon, in his British Empire in America, published in 1708, 
is particularly severe on the Magnalia, its puns, anagrams, acros- 
ticks and prodigies. With all its faults, there are lew American 
scholars, who would not wish to possess the work, for the body 
of facts which it contains. The sarcastick Oldmixon does not 
confine himself to Dr. Mather, but remarks on " the poverty and 
tautology of the New-England diction" at that period. u Let 
their own Dr. Bates," he observes, " instruct them better in his 
best pieces, if they think themselves too pious to learn of our Til- 
lotson and Calamy." 

Should Oldmixon's general remark be thought in any degree 
well founded, if we may confide in the opinion of Jeremy Dum- 
mer, who was a man of refined taste and a thorough scholar, 
some of the New-England clergy made rapid improvement. Mr. 
Flint had requested some of the single sermons, occasionally pub- 
lished in England, to bo transmitted to him. Mr. Dummer exe- 
cuted the commission, and in his letter from London, of May 5, 
1711, says, " I hope they will please you, though Jt must own to 
you, that I think the modern sermons, which are preached and 
■ : printod here, are very lean and dry, having little dignity in the 
matter, or brightness in the style. I am sure they are no way 
-comparable to the solid discourses, which Mr. Brattle gives you 
; every week."— Hist. Coll. VI. 79. 

The diction of New-England sermons, the principal publications 
-of early times, appears sensibly improved in the performances 
-of the Rev. Dr. Colman and Ebenezer Pemberton of Boston, 
.and J. Barnard of Marblehead. Of the present state of that 
species of composition, it is not my purpose particularly to re- 
mark. It is believed, that many modern productions, of that des- 
cription, will sustain a comparison with the most approved transat- 
lantick specimens. 

[P. P. xvi] Mr. Isaac Johnson died September 30, 1630, at 
Boston. " He was buried, at his own request, in part of the 
ground upon Trimontain, or Boston, which he had chosen for 
his lot, the square between School Street and Queen Street. He 
may be said to have been the idol of the people, for they ordered 
their bodies, as they died, to be buried round him, and this was the 
reason of appropriating for a place of burial, what is now called the 
old burying place, adjoining to King's Chapel." — Hutchinson's 
Hist. Mass. I. 22 . note. 

Speaking of Sir Henry Vane, Hutchinson subjoins the following 
note. " A small house, which he lived in, at the side of the hill 
above Queen Street, he gave to Mr. Cotton, who made an addiiion 
to it after Mr. Vane went away, and lived and died there." This 
house is still standing, but, from recent repairs, marks of antiquity 
are not externally visible. 



XXXI 

Governour's Island was the property of Governour Winthrop, 
and has never been alienated from the family. It was called, in 
early times, the Governour's Garden. Josselyn, who was here in 
1638, says, the first apple trees in the country were planted on that 
island, and a vineyard. The founder of Harvard College might 
very properly have been located at Cambridge. But he lived and 
died in Charlestown. 

[P. Q. xix.] Of the deceased members of the Society, mention- 
ed in the discourse, memoirs will be found in the Collections, 
excepting of the late General Lincoln. Biographical notices of 
that excellent man were expected for the first volume of the second 
series ; but they were not completed in season to be intoduced. 
They will appear in the next volume. 



The following Hymn, composed for the occasion by a gentleman 
at Cambridge, was sung at the close of the celebration. 

1 God of the world ! on thy decree 
Hang life, and fame, and destiny. 

Thou speak'st — aw'd ocean yields and deserts smile ; 
Thou speak'st — and ruin mocks pride's prostrate pile. 

2 In Thee the weak, the humble, trust: 
And trampled power adores in dust.. 

Thy name we bless, invoke, in evil hour, 
Forgotten mercy and resisted power. 

3 By Thee, our Fathers dar'd to brave 
Mid savage man a foreign grave : 

Their inarch Thou marshal'dst o'er the pathless sea, 
Who fled for freedom, and who fled to Thee. 

4 Where peep'd the hut, the palace towers ; 

Where skimm'd the bark, the war-ship lowers : 
Joy gaily carols where was silence rude ; 
And cultured thousands throng the solitude. 

5 O Thou who tam'st the savage soul, 
Of Christian man the lusts control : 

Ne'er may this happiest spot, thy favour'd clime, 
The abode of mercy, be the abode of crime 1 

6 Thy grace we'll seek, thine anger shun : 
God of the Sire, protect the Son ! 

Thy smile, thy frown, we own : subdue our pride ; 
The Pilgrims' Guardian be the Nation's Guide ! 



THE ACT OF INCORPORATION, LAWS, CATALOGUE 
OF MEMBERS, OFFICERS, &c. AND CIRCULAR LET- 
TER OF THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCI- 
ETY. 



Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

In the year of our Lord one thousand , seven hundred, and ninety-four. 



An Act to Incorporate a Society, by the name of 
The Massachusetts Historical Society. 

WHEREAS the collection and preservation of mate- 
rials for a political and natural history of the United States 
is a desirable object, and the institution of a Society for 
those purposes will be of publick utility: 

Be it therefore enacted, by the Senate and House of Rep- 
resentatives, in General Cvuit assembled, and by the au- 
thority of the same, That William Baylies, Esq. Jeremy 
Belknap, D. D. the Rev. Alden Bradford, Peleg Coffin, 
Esq. Manasseh Cutler, LL. D. John Davis, Esq. Daniel 
Davis, Esq. Aaron Dexter, Doctor in Physic, the Rev. John 
Eliot, Nathaniel Freeman, Esq. the Rev. James Freeman, 
the Rev. Thaddeus Mason Harris, Isaac Lothrop, Esq. 
George Richards Minot, Esq. the Rev. John Mellen, jun. 
Thomas Pemberton, William Danilridge Peck, the Rev. 
John Prince, Ezekiel Price, Esq. James Sullivan, Esq. 
David Sewall, Esq. Peter Thacher, D. D. William Tudor, 
Esq. Samuel Turell, Dudley Atkins Tyng, Esq. James 
Winthrop, Esq. Thomas Wallcut, Redford Webster, and 
William Wetmore, Esq. who have associated for the pur- 
poses aforesaid, and have requested an Act of Incorpora- 
tion ; be, and hereby are formed into and constituted a 
Society and Body Politic and Corporate, by the name of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society ; and that they, 
and their successors, and such other persons as shall be 
legally elected by them, shall be and continue a Body 
Politic and Corporate, by that name forever. 
5 






2 Act of Incorporation, 

And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That 
the members of said Society shall have power to elect a 
President, and all other necessary officers ; and that the 
said Society shall have one common seal, and the same 
may break, change, and renew at pleasure ; and that the 
same Society, by the name aforesaid, as a Body Politic 
and Corporate, may sue and be sued, prosecute and de- 
fend suits to final judgment and execution. 

And be it further enacted, That the said Society shall 
have power to make orders and bye-laws for governing its 
members and property, not repugnant to the laws of this' 
Commonwealth ; and may expel, disfranchise and suspend 
any member, who, by his misconduct, shall be rendered 
unworthy. 

And be it further enacted, That the said Society may, 
from time to time, establish rules for electing officers and 
members, and also times and places for holding meetings ; 
and shall be capable to take and hold real or personal 
estate, by gift, grant, devise, or otherwise, and the same, 
or any part thereof, to alien and convey : Provided, That 
the annual income of any real estate, by said Society hoi- 
den, shall never exceed the sum of five hundred pounds ; 
and that the personal estate thereof, besides books, papers, 
and articles in the Museum of said Society shall never ex- 
ceed the value of two thousand pounds. 

And be it further enacted, That the members of said 
Society, shall never be more than sixty (except honorary 
members, residing without the limits of this Common- 
wealth) and that James Sullivan, Esq. be, and he hereby 
is authorised and empowered to notify and warn the first 
meeting of said Society; and that the same Society, 
when met, shall agree upon a method for calling future 
meetings, and may have power to adjourn from time to 
time, as may be found necessary. 

And be it further enacted, That either branch of the 
Legislature shall, and may have free access to the Library 
and Museum of said Society. 

This Act passed February 19, 1794* 



Laws and Regulations of the Historical Society. 3 

LAWS AND REGULATIONS OF THE MASSACHUSETTS HIS- 
TORICAL SOCIETY. 

Article I. EACH resident member shall pay eight 
dollars at the time of his admission, and two dollars annu- 
ally, to create a fund, for the benefit of the institution. 
And any member shall be exempted from the annual pay- 
ment of two dollars, provided he shall, at any time after 
six months from his admission, pay to the Treasurer thirty- 
four dollars, in addition to what he had before paid. 

Art. II. If any person elected shall neglect to pay his 
admission money for one year after being apprized of his 
election, the said election shall be considered void. And if 
any resident member shall neglect to pay his annual as- 
sessment for the space of three years after it shall have be- 
come due, or shall neglect to attend six successive quar- 
terly meetings of the Society, he shall forfeit his right to 
its privileges and shall no longer be considered as a mem- 
ber thereof, unless he shall send his excuse to one of the 
Secretaries in writing, and the same shall be judged rea- 
sonable by the Society. Each member, at his election, 
shall be furnished with an attested copy of this article. 

Art. III. AH elections shall be made by ballot. Nom- 
inations of corresponding members may be made by the 
members of the Society; but no member shall nominate 
more than one candidate at the same meeting; and all 
nominations shall be made at a meeting previous to that at 
which the ballot is to be taken. 

Art. IV. There shall be four stated meetings of the 
Society in each year; namely, on the last Thursdays of 
January, April, and October, and on the day before Com- 
mencement at Harvard College. And occasional meetings 
shall be convened, on due notification, by the President, 
or in case of his absence, by one of the Secretaries, on the 
application of any two of the members. 

Art. V. There shall be annually chosen, at the meeting 
in April, a President, a Recording Secretary, a Corres- 
ponding Secretary, a Treasurer, a Librarian, a Cabinet 
Keeper, and a Standing Committee of five. 

Art. VI. At the request of any two members present, 
any motion shall be deferred to another meeting, for farther 



4 Laws and Regulations of the Historical Society, 

consideration, before it is finally determined, and shall then 
be taken up. 

Art. VII. All accounts shall be kept in dollars and cents. 

Art, VIII. Five members present shall be a quorum 
for all purposes, excepting those of making alterations in, 
or additions to, the laws and regulations of this Society, 
and the election of members. 

Art. IX. No alterations in, or additions to, the laws 
and regulations of this Society shall be made, unless there 
are eight members present; and no member shall be 
chosen unless there are nine members present at the elec- 
tion, and unless two thirds of the members present vote 
for his admission. 

Art. X. Members who are chosen in other states and 
countries, shall not be required to make contribution with 
the members who are citizens of the Commonwealth. 

Art. XI. The time and place of every meeting shall 
be published in two, at least of the Boston newspapers ; 
and the Recording Secretary shall also send notifications 
of the same to every member whose usual residence is 
within ten miles of Boston. 



LAWS, REGULATING THE STANDING COMMITTEE. 

Article I. All nominations of resident members shall 
be made by the President and Standing Committee, at 
one meeting, at least, previous to that at which the ballot 
is to be taken. 

Art. II. The Standing Committee shall regulate all the 
common expenses of the Society, and make the necessary 
provision of such small articles as may be wanted, and shall 
have power to draw on the Treasurer to defray the expense. 

Art. III. They shall aid the Librarian and Cabinet 
Keeper, when they shall require it, in the arrangement of 
the books, pamphlets, maps, and manuscripts, and in the 
disposition of curiosities and articles belonging to the cabi- 
net, and shall especially attend to the preservation and 
binding of books and pamphlets. 



Laws and Regulations of the Historical Society. 5 

Art. IV. They shall frequently inspect the records, and 
inquire whether all the orders of the Society are carried 
into effect with precision and promptitude. The names 
of members in the records shall be in alphabetical order. 

Art. V. They shall inquire for, and endeavour to ob- 
tain, on the best terms, for the benefit of the Society, 
manuscripts, books, and articles of curiosity. 

Art. VI. They shall meet previous to each stated 
quarterly meeting of the Society, and arrange and pre- 
pare such business as may be a subject for the Society's 
attention. The President shall notify the Standing Com- 
mittee of their stated meetings. 



LAWS, REGULATING THE LIBRARY AND MUSEUM. 

Article I. All books which are presented to the libra- 
ry shall be accepted with thanks, and also every curiosity 
for the museum. 

Art. II. American coins and curiosities shall be kept 
by themselves, in the best part of the cabinet. 

Art. III. At every quarterly meeting, a catalogue of 
the books, pamphlets, manuscripts, and maps, shall be pro- 
duced by the Librarian, and a catalogue of the curiosities 
by the Cabinet Keeper: and every member shall in per- 
son, if present, and in writing, if absent, give an account 
of the books and manuscripts, or whatever article belong- 
ing to the Society, he may have in his possession. 

Art IV. Once in every year, previous to the spring 
meeting, the Standing Committee shall inspect the library 
and museum, and report the state of every article at that 
meeting, and what books are particularly wanted. 

Art. V; There shall be two keys to the Society's 
room, one of which shall be kept by the Librarian, and 
the other by the Cabinet Keeper, to be by them delivered 
to no person except one of the members. 

Art. VI. No book shall be taken from the library, but 
with the knowledge of the Librarian, who shall make a 
record of the same. A member shall not have more than 
three books at a time, unless by special leave obtained by 
a vote of the Society. He shall not retain any volume 



6 Laws and Regulations of the Historical Society. 

longer than four weeks, but may renew the same once ; 
after which the same person shall not have the same books 
for three months, unless by special leave of the Standing 
Committee. Members living more than ten miles from 
Boston may renew their books without personal applica- 
tion. No manuscript shall betaken out of the library,, 
but in the presence of the Librarian. 

Art. VII. The sixth article shall not prevent the Com- 
mittee chosen to superintend the publications of the Socie- 
ty, from taking out of the library, with the knowledge of 
the Librarian, as many books and papers as they may want. 

Art. VIII. Newspapers and maps shall not be allowed 
to be taken out of the library, except by the Publishing 
Committee. 

Art. IX. Fines for a breach of the sixth article shall: 
be at the weekly rate of 10 cents for every book less than, 
an octavo, 20 for an octavo, 30 for a quarto, and 40 for a 
folio. 

Art. X. An application in writing, left with the Libra- 
rian, shall secure any volume or set for a fortnight after it 
may be returned to the library ; and if more than one such 
application be made, they shall be answered in the order 
of their respective dates. 

Ait. XL If books or manuscripts be requested for pub- 
lic uses, or for the peculiar benefit of persons whom the 
Society is disposed to oblige, the application shall be made 
to the Librarian, through the medium of some member, 
who shall be responsible in a written obligation, for the re- 
turn of each article borrowed, within such time as shall be 
stipulated by the Librarian, not exceeding three months. 

Art. XII. All persons who take books from the libra- 
ry, shall be answerable for any injury to the same, which 
shall be estimated by the Standing Committee. 

Art. XIII. The privilege of using the library shall be 
suspended, as respects the person who neglects to pay any 
fines, or assessments for damages, longer than one 4 month 
after he shall have received notice from the Librarian. 

Art. XIV. It shall be the duty of the Librarian to at- 
tend at the library, or to procure some member to attend in 
his stead, on the afternoon of each Thursday, at 3 o'clock, 
for the accommodation of the members. And it is under- 



Laws and Regulations of the Historical Society. 7 

stood and expected, that the members will regulate them- 
selves accordingly. 

Art. XV. All pamphlets shall be bound, except dupli- 
cates, which shall be kept by themselves, and triplicates 
shall be exchanged. 

Art. XVI. All manuscripts shall be distinctly marked 
and numbered, and kept in cases of paper ; which shall 
also be numbered, and the contents of each registered. 

Art. XVII. Every present received shall be recorded, 
and an account of it rendered at the next meeting of the 
Society. 

Art. XVIII. A printed ticket shall be pasted on the 
inside of the cover of each book, signifying that it is the 
property of the Society, and also the name of the donor 
if it be a present. 

True copy of the Laws of the Historical Society, 
1 January, 1813. 

Joseph McKean, Recording Secretary. 



8 



Alphabetical Lists. 
ALPHABETICAL LISTS 



OF THE RESIDENT AND THE CORRESPONDING MEMBERS OP THE MASSA- 
CHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

RESIDENT MEMBERS. 

Those with * prefixed have died — those with the t have resigned, &c. 



Names. 

Hon. John Adams, LL. D. 
Hon. John Q,. Adams, LL. D. 
Joseph Allen, Esq. 
Rev. JohnAllyn, 



Residence. 


Time of Election. 


Decease, Re- 
signation, fyc. 


Q,uincy 


31 July, 1800 




Boston 


27 April, 1802 




Worcester 


7 Sept. 1808 




Duxbury 


29 Octo. 1799 





Hon. Josiah Bartlett, M. D. 
Hon. William Baylies, M. D. 
*Rev. Jeremy Belknap, D. D. 
Rev. William Bentley, 
Alden Bradford, Esq. 
Capt. Gamaliel Bradford, 
Rev. John Bradford, 
*Thomas Brattle, Ksq. 
*Rev. Joseph S. Buckminster, 
Charles Bulfinch, Esq. 



Elisha Clap, A. M. 
*Rev. John Clarke, D. D. 
*Hon. Peleg Coffin, Esq. 
Mr. Joseph Coolidge, jun. 
Rev. Manasseh Cutler, LL. D. 



Hon. John Davis, LL. D. 

Hon. Daniel Davis, Esq. 
Mr. Samuel Davis, 
■fElias Masketl Derby, Esq. 
Aaron Dexter, M. D. 



*Rev. John Eliot, D. D. 
*Rev. William Emerson, 
Dr. Ephraim Eliot, 



Charlestown 24 April, 1798 



Dighton 


Original member 11 






Boston 


Do. 


30 June, 


1798. 


Salem 


25 Mar. 1796 






Boston 


2 Jan. 1793 






Do. 


31 Octo. 1797 






Roxbury 


30 Jan. 1798 






Cambridge 


25 April, 1797 


13 Aug. 


1803. 


Boston 


25 April, 1811 


9 June, 


1812, 


Do. 


10 Octo. 1801 






Boston 


29 Octo. 1812 






Do. 


26 Jan. 1796 


2 April, 


1798. 


Nantucket 


13 Aug. 1792 


March 


,1805. 


Boston 


25 April, 1811 






Hamilton 


29 May, 1792 






Boston 


24 Octo. 1791 






Do. 


29 May, 1792 






Plymouth 


30 Jan. 1812 






Salem 


28 April, 1801 




1S01. 


Boston 


29 May, 1792 


, 




Boston 


Original member 


14 Feb. 


1813. 


Do. 


13 July, 1801 


12 May. 


1811. 


Do. 


2 Aug. 1813. 







II The first meeting was held 24 Jan. 1791. Present, Rev. J. Belknap, J. Eliot, 
and J. Freeman, J. Sullivan, Esq. Rev. Mr. Thacher, TV. Tudor y Esq. Mr. T. 
Walcutt, and J. Winthrop, Esq. 



Alphabetical Lists. 



Names* 

* William Fiske, Esq. 
Rev. Ebenezer Fitch, D. D. 
Rev. James Freeman, D. D. 
Nathaniel Freeman, Esq. 



Residence. Time of Election. Decease, Re- 

signation, S,-c. 
13 Aug. 1803. 



Waltham 25 April, 1797 

Williamstown 30 Octo. 1798 
Boston Original member 

Sandwich 23 Octo. 1792 



25 Octo. 1808. 



Caleb Gannet* Esq. Cambridge 31 Octo. 1797 

Hon.ChristopherGore,LL.D. Waltham 30 Jan. 1798 



Rev. Thaddeus Mason Harris, Dorchester 13 Aug. 1792 

fStephen Higginson, jun. Esq. Boston 25 Jan.' 1803 

Rev. Abiel Holmes, D. D. ' Cambridge 24 April, 1798 

Rev. Jonathan Homer, Newton 30 April, 1799 



25 Aug. 1812. 



Hon. Daniel Kilham, Wenham 

Rev. J.T. Kirkland, D. D. LL. D. Cambridge 



24 April, 1798 
26 Jan. 1796 



*Hon. Benjamin Lincoln, 
*isaac Lothrop, Esq. 



Hingham 
Plymouth 



19 July, 1798 
11 Octo. 1791 



May, 1810. 
July, 1808. 



Rev. Joseph McKean, 

John Mellen, Esq. 

*Geo. Richards Minot, Esq. 

Rev. Jedediah Morse, D. D> 



Cambridge 7 Sept. 1808 

Do. 23 Octo. 1792 

Boston Original member 

Charlestown 26 Jan. 1796 



2 Jan. 1802. 



Ebenezer Parsons, Esq. 
Wm. Dandridge Peck, A. M. 
*Mr. Thomas Pembertonj 
fEliphalet Pearson, LL. D. 
James Perkins, Esq. 
Rev. John Pierce, 
Rev. John Snelling Popkm, 
*Ezekiel Price, Esq. 
Rev. John Prince, LL. D. 



Boston 


31 Jan. 


1797 






Cambridge 


8 Octo. 


1792 






Boston 


13 Aug. 


1792 


5 July, 


1807, 


Andover 


28 Jan, 


1800 


28 Aug. 


1810. 


Boston 


29 May, 


1792 






Brookline 


31 Jan. 


1809 






Newbury 


13 July, 


1801 






Boston 


30 April, 


1793 


15 July, 


1802. 


Salem 


29 Jan. 


1793 







Hon. Josiah Q,uincy $ 
Isaac Rand, M. D. 
Mr. Obadiah Rich, 


Boston 
Do. 
Do. 


26 July, 1796 

19 July, 1798 

5 Mar. 1805 


6 







10 



Alphabetical Lists. 



Names. 

James Savage, Esq. 
Hon. David Sewall, Esq. 
William Smith Shaw, Esq. 
Hon. William Spooner, M. 
HisExc. Caleb Strong. LL 



rong, 



Residence. Time of Election. 



*IJisExc. James Sullivan, 
William Sullivan, Esq. 
John Langdon Sullivan, Esq 



Boston 

York 

Boston 

Do. 
Northampton 
LL. D. Boston 

Do. 

Do. 



Jan. 

Oct. 

Nov. 

April 

Jul>' : 
Original member 
29 April, 1800 
28 April, 1801 



1813 
1791 

1805 
1796 
1800 



Decease, Re- 
signation, SfC. 



10 Dec. 1808. 



*Rev. Peter Thacher, 


D. D. 


Boston 


Original member 


16 Dec. 1802. 


Joshua Thomas, Esq. 




Plymouth 


25 Oct. 1808 




Isaiah Thomas, Esq. 




Worcester 


25 April, 1811 




Joseph Tilden, Esq. 




Boston 


SO Jan. 1812 




William Tudor, Esq. 




Do. 


Original member 




fMr. Samuel Tuiell, 




Do. 


30 July, 1723 


27 Aug. 1811 


Dudley Atkins Tyng, Esq. 


Do. 


30 April, 1793 





Mr. Thomas Wallcut, 
♦Marston Watson, Esq. 
Mr. Redford Webster, 
William Wetmore, Esq. 
Rev. Peter Whitney, 
John Williams, Esq. 
Rev. Zephaniah Willis, 
Hon. James Winthrop, 
Thomas L. Winthrop, Esq. 



Boston Original member 

Do. 29 April, 1800 

Do. 13 Aug. 1792 

Do. 13 Aug. 1792 

Northborough 28 Aug. 1804 

Deerfield * 30 Oct. 1798 

Kingston 28 April, 1801 

Cambridge Original member 

Boston 28 Aug. 1800 



7 Aug. 1800. 



CORRESPONDING MEMBERS. 



Rev. Timothy Alden, 
Robert Anderson, M. D. 



New-York 
Edinb. Scotl. 



Oct. 
Aug. 



1801 
1805 



*Gardiner Baker, Esq. 


N.York,N.Yk. 


17 


Aug. 


1795 


October, 1798V 


Rev. John Bassett, 


Albany, Do. 


29 


Aug. 


1809 




Benjamin S. Barton, M. D. 


Philad. Penn. 


26 


Jan. 


1796 




William Barton, Esq. 


Lancas, Do. 


26 


Oct. 


1802 




William Blount, Esq. 


Tennessee 


25 


Oct. 


1796 


20 July, 1797. 


Hon. Elias Boudinot, LL. D. 


Burlington,N.J. 29 


April 


1813 




Rev. Andrew Brown. D. D. 


Edinb. Scotl. 


30 


April, 


1793 




Rt. Hon. Earl of Buchan 


Do. 


30 


Aug. 


1808 











James Clarke, Esq. 



Halifax,N.Sco. 17 Aug. 1795 



Alphabetical Lists. 



II 



Names. 

Benjamin De Witt, M. D. 
Henry W. Dossaussure, Esq. 
Rev. John Disney, D. D. 
John Dunn, LL. D. 



Residence. 

Albany,New Y.k. 
Charleston, S. C. 
Hyde, England 
Killaly, Ireland 



Time of Election, fiececse, Re- 



18 July, 1799 

25 April, 1797 

26 April, 1309 
1 Dec. 1797 

Rev. Timo. Dwight, D. D. LL. D.Newhaven, Con. 31 Octo. 1797 



signaiion, fyc. 



Rev. C. D. Ebeling (Professor) 
Samuel Eddy, Esq. 
♦Rev. Andrew Eliot, 
♦Rev. John Erskine, D. D. 



Hamburgh 
Providence 
Fairfield, Con. 
Edinburgh, Scotl. 



28 Octo. 1794 

27 Aug. 1805 

30 Octo. 1798 Oct. 26 1805. 

8 Octo. 1792 



Moses Fiske, 
Hon. Theodore Foster, 
Anthony Fothergill, M. D. 
Constant Freeman, Esq. 



Tennessee 31 Octo. 1811 

Providence, R. I. 28 Octo. 1800 

Bath, England 28 Aug. 1804 

Fort Nelson 25 April, 1811 



Rev. Thomas Hall, Leghorn 

Ebenezer Hazard, Esq. Philadelph. Pen. 

♦Gilbert Harrison Hubbard, Esq. Demarara 
♦Rev. Arthur Homer, D. D. Cambridge, Eng. 



28 April, 1801 

29 May, 1792 

18 Nov. 1796 May 11, 1303. 
28 Jan. 1800 1806. 



Hon. John Jay, LL. D. 


NewYork, N.Yk. 


29 May, 


1792 


Edward Jenner, M. D. 


England 


29 Octo. 


1812 


William Johnson, 


New-York 


28 May, 


1805 


♦Sir William Jone3, 


Calcutta, Bengal 


27 Jan. 


1795 Apr. 27, 1794. 



Lemuel Kollock, M. D. 



Savannah, Geo. 25 April, 1797 



John Coakley Lettsom, M. D. London, England 27 Jan. 1795 



♦Ebenezer Grant Marsh, A. M. Newhaven, Con. 1 Sept. 1800 16 Nov. 1303. 

Hon. John Marshall, LL. D. Richmond, Virg. 29 Aug. 1809 

Rev. David McClure, East-Windsor 17 Aug. 1795 

Phineas Miller, Esq. Savannah, Geo. 17 Aug. 1795 

Rev. Samuel Miller, D. D. NewYork, N.Yk. 18 July, 1799 

Samuel Latham Mitchell, M. D. Do. do. 30 Jan. 1798 



John Newman, M. D. Salisbury, N. C. 27 April, 1802 

Hon. Nathaniel Niles, Fairlee, Vermt. 2 Jan. 1793 

Rev. Asa. Norton, Paris, New-Yk. 31 Jan. 1797 

Rev. Eliphalet Nott, D. D. Schenectady, N. Y. 29 April, 1813 

[Pres. Union Col. 



12 



Names. 



Mr. Thomas Pieronnett, 
James Perkins, Esq. 
Hon. Timothy Pickering, 
Hon. Timothy Pitkin, 
John Pintard, Esq. 
His Exc. William Plunimer, 



Alphabetical Lists. 

Residence. Time of Election. 

(Then of) Demarara 28 Jan. 1800 
(Then of) C. Francois 29 May, 1792 
(Then of ) Philad.Pa. 24 April,179S 
Farmington, Conn. 25 Aug. 1812 
Kew-Yqrk 28 Oct. 1813 

Epping, New-Hamps. 25 Aug. 1807 



Decease, Re- 
signation, $c. 



Hon. David Ramsay, M. D. Charleston, S. C. 22 May, 1792 

Ephraim Ramsay,, Esq. S. C. 25 April, 1797 

♦Edmund Randolph, Esq. (Then of) Philad. Pn. 23 Oct. 1792 July 20, 1797. 

Rumford, Benjamin T. Count of, London, England 30 Jan. 1798 



Rev. Ezra Sampson, 
Ion. Winthrop Sargeant, 
*Dr. Isaac Senter, 
Benjamin Silliman, A. M. 
His Exc. John Cotton Smith, 
*Dr. Elihu Hubbard Smith, 
Rev. Alexander Spirk, 
: Rev. John Jones Spooner, 



Hudson, New-York 
Mississippi 
Newpoit, R. I. 
New-Haven, Conn. 
Sharon, Conn. 
New- York, New- York 
Quebec*, Can. 



Mai tit 



26 Aug. 1802 

28 Jan. 1794 
18 Nov. 17S6 

Aug. 1806 

29 April, 1813 
1 Dec. 1797 

29 May, 1792 



Brandon, Vir. 26 Nov. 1793 



*Rev. Ezra Stiles, D. D. LL. D. New-Haven, Conn. 23 Oct. 1792 



1804. 



Sept. 1799. 
May, 1794. 



Hon. Samuel Tenney, M. D. 
Charles Thompson, Esq. 
His Exc. Jonathan Trumbull, 
Rev. Benjamin Trumbull, D. 
Hon. St. George Tucker, 



Exeter, N. H. 
Philadelphia, Penn. 
Lebanon, Conn. 
D. North-Haven, Conn 
Williamsburgh, Vir. 



8 Oct. 1792 

29 May, 1792 

30 April, 1799 
33 Oct. 1798 
17 Aug. 1795 



7 Aug. 1809. 



General Charles Valiancy, 
Hon. Stephen Van Ransalaer, 
John Vaughan, Esq. 



Dublin, Ireland 
Albany, New-York 
Philadelphia, Penn. 



7 Nov. 1805 
31 Jan. 1797 



Rich.Watson,D.D. Bp.of LandaffjCumberlandshire 31 Jan. 1804 



Noah Webster, jun. Esq. 
Charles Mary Wentvvorth, Esq. 
Jonathan Williams, Esq. 
Hon. John Wheelock, LL. D. 
Dr. Hugh Williamson, 
Hon. Oliver Wolcott, 



(Then of )Hartf. Con. 13 Aug. 1792 
Halifax, Nova-Scotia 28 May, 1805 
Philadelphia 27 Oct. 1807 

Hanover, New-Hamp. 25 Aug. 1807 
Edenton, North-Curo. 17 Aug. 1795 
New-York 18 Nov. 1796 



Officers •of the Society. 



13 



OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY. 



Presidents. 

Han. James Sullivan, 1791—1806 

Hon. Christopher Gore, LL. D. 1806 



Recording Secretaries. 

Mr. Thomas Wallcut, 1791 

Hon. George Richards Minot, 1792 
Rev. James Freeman, D. D. 1798—1812 
Rev. Joseph McKean, 1812 



Corresponding Secretaries. 

Rev. Jeremy Belknap, D. D. 1791- 
Rev. John Eliot, D. D. 1798— . 

Rev. Abiel Holmes, D. D. 1813 



Treasurers. 



Cabinet Keepers. 

Hon. George Richards Minot, 1791 
1793 
1794- 

1S08 
1809 
1810 



Rev. John Eliot, D. D. 
Mr. Samuel Turell, 
Rev. Timothy Alden, 
Rev. Joseph McKean, 
Mr. Radford Webster, 



-1803 



Standing Committee. 



Hon. George Richards Minot, 1791 — 1793 

Rev. Peter Thacher, D. D. 1791—1802 

Hon. James Winthrop, 1791 

Mr. Redford Webster, 1793—1810 

Hon. John Davis, 1798 

Hon. Josiah Quincy, 1798— 1802 

Hon. William Tudor, 1803—1807 

Rev. William Emerson, 1803—1809 

:!?? Rev. John T. Kirkland, ) 806— 1812 

Thomas L. Winthrop, Fsq. 1810 

Rev. Abiel Holmes, D. D. 1811—1813 

Rev. James Freeman, D. D. 1S12 

Rev. John Pierce, 1813 



Hon.Wm.Tudor, 1791— 1796&1799, 1803 
Hon. Geo. Richards Minot, 1796—1799 
Hon. Josiah Quincy, 1803 



Librarians. 

Rev.JohnEliot, D.D. 1791—93, 1795—98 
Hon. Geo. Richards Minot, 1793—1795 
Rev. John Thornton Kirkland, 1798—1806 
William S. Shaw, Esq. 1806—1808 

Rev. Timothy Alden, jun. 1808 
Rev. Joseph iMcKean, 1809—1812 

Joseph Tilden, Esq. 1812 



Assistant Librarians. 



Rev. John T. Kirkland, 
Thomas Wallcutt, 



1798, April to 
1798, August. 



Committees of Publications. 



Rev. Jeremy Belknap, D. D. 1, 3, 4 vols. 

Eliot, D. D. 1, 4, 5, 8, & I. New Series. 

Rev. James Freeman, D.D. 1, 3, 4, 5.8, & 

Hon. Geo. R. Minot, 1, 4, & 6 [ I. N. S. 

2 

2&3 

2 

2 & I. N. S. 

3 

3 

). 5, &7 

IT. N. S. 

6, 9, & I. N. S. 

6 & 9 



D. 



Hon. James Sullivan, 

Rev. Peter Thacher, D. D 

Hon. William Tudor, 

Mr. Redford Webster, 

William Wetmore, Esq. 

Aaron Dexter, M. D. 

Rev. Jedediah Morse, D. D. 

Hon. Josiah Quincy 5, 6, 9 & 

Hon. John Davis, 

Rev. John T. Kirkland, D 

Rev. Abiel Holmes, D. D. 7, 10&II.N.S. 

Hon. William Spooner, M. D. 7 

Rev. Thaddeus M. Harris, 7, 10 &II. N.S. 

William Sullivan, Esq. 8 

Rev. William Emerson, 9 

Thomas L. Winthrop, Esq. 10 

Hon. John Q. Adams, 10 

Alden Bradford, Esq. I. N. S. 

Rev. John Pierce, I. N. S. 

iRev. Joseph McKean, II. N. S. 



14 Circular Letter of the Historical Society. 
CIRCULAR LETTER 

OF THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 

Respectfully addressed in 1794, by Rev. Jeremy Belknap, 
D.D. then Corresponding Secretary, to every Gentleman 
of Science in the Continent and Islands of America. 

SIR, 

The professed design of our institution is to coU 
led, preserve, and communicate materials for a complete 
history of this country, and of all valuable efforts of the 
ingenuity and industry of its inhabitants. In pursuance 
of this design we have already amassed a large quantity 
of books, pamphlets and manuscripts ; and we are still 
in search of more. 

The Library and Museum of the Society are deposited 
in a spacious and convenient apartment of the Crescent, in 
Franklin-Place, Boston. To this apartment, any person 
may have access, by application to the Librarian, or to 
any one of the members. 

But from many instances which have occurred during 
our own memory, we are satisfied, that depositories, how- 
ever desirable, are exposed to such accidents, from the 
hand of time, from the power of the elements, and from 
the ravages of unprincipled or mercenary men, as to ren- 
der them unsafe. The surest way of preserving historical 
records and materials is, not to lock them up ; but to mul- 
tiply the copies. The art of printing affords a mode of 
preservation, more effectual than Corinthian brass, or 
Egyptian marble. Statues and pyramids, which have 
long survived the wreck of time, are unable to tell the 
names of their sculptors, or the date of their foundations. 

Impressed with this idea, the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society have determined, not only to collect; 
but to diffuse the various kinds of historical information 
which are within their reach. Though these materials may 
come in, at different times, and there may not be opportu- 
nity to digest them, in the best manner, previously to their 
publication ; yet we will present them in such order as 
may be convenient and effectual. If we cannot erect an 



Articles on which the Society request information, 15 

elegant building, we will plant a forest, into which every 
inquirer may enter at his pleasure, and find something 
adapted to his purpose. 

We have therefore encouraged a publication in which is 
given the result of our inquiries into the natural, political, 
and ecclesiastical history of this country. It is requested, 
that you would contribute to its value and importance, by 
attending to the annexed articles of inquiry ; and we beg 
leave to depend on your obliging answers, when leisure 
and opportunity will permit. 

We have also contemplated the forming of an exten- 
sive cabinet ; comprehending the various natural produc- 
tions of our continent, the adjacent islands and the neigh- 
bouring seas. To facilitate this purpose, we have annexed 
to this letter the best directions we have been able to ob- 
tain for the collection and preservation, of all the proper 
subjects of natural history. Any specimens which it may 
be in your power to send will be gratefully received. 

Your letters, free of expense, addressed to the President 
or either of the Secretaries, will be duly acknowledged, and 
noticed in the Society's publications; and you will have 
the satisfaction of contributing to the general stock of 
knowledge with which we hope to entertain the public* 



ARTICLES ON WHICH THE SOCIETY REQUEST INFORMATION. 

1. THE time when your town or city was incorporated ; 
its Indian name ; when the settlement began ; whether it 
was interrupted, and by what means ; to what Colony or 
County it was first annexed ; and if there have been any 
alterations, what they are, and when made. 

2. The exploits, labours and sufferings of the inhabitants 
in war, particular accounts of devastations, deaths, cap- 
tivities and redemptions. 

3. Divisions of your town or city into parishes and pre- 
cincts, or the erection of new towns within the former limits 

4. Time of gathering churches of every denomination ; 
names of the several ministers; the times of theirsettlement, 
removal and death; and their age at the time of their death. 

5. Biographical anecdotes of persons in your town, or 
within your knowledge, who have been remarkable for in- 



1 6 Articles on which the Society request information. 

genuity* enterprise, literature, or any other valuable ac- 
complishment ; an account of their literary productions, 
and if possible, copies of them. 

6. Topographical description of your town or county, 
and its vicinity; mountains, rivers, ponds, animals, vegeta- 
ble productions ; remarkable falls, caverns, minerals, 
stones, sands, clays, chalk, flints, pit-coal, pigments, medi- 
cinal and poisonous substances, their uses and antidotes. 

7. The former and present state of cultivation, and 
your thoughts on farther improvements, either in respect 
to agriculture, roads or canals. 

8. Monuments and relicks of the ancient Indians; num- 
ber and present slate of any remaining Indians among you, 

9. Singular instances of longevity and fecundity from 
the first settlement to the present time. 

10. Observations on the weather, diseases, and the in- 
fluence of the climate, or of particular situations, employ- 
ments and aliments, especially the effect of spirituous li- 
quors on the human constitution, 

11. Accurate bills of mortality, specifying ages and 
casualties, the proportion of births and deaths ; and the 
increase or decrease of population. 

12. Observations on manufactures of various kinds in 
any part of America at any time ; and a comparative view 
of them at any two or more periods ; particularly before 
and since the independence of the United States; before 
and since the establishment of the present federal constitu- 
tion ; with thoughts on the farther improvement of them. 

13. Past and present state of fisheries either in the seas 
or rivers of America. 

14. Modes of education, private or public ; what en- 
couragement is given to schools and colleges, and what is 
done to advance literature ; whether you have a social li- 
brary, what is the number of books, and of what value. 

15. Associations for religious or literary improvement, 
or the encouragement of the arts. 

16. What remarkable events have befallen your State, 
county, town, or particular families or persons at any time. 

(£r*The Corresponding Members of this Society are re- 
quested to transmit to the Corresponding Secretary, any 
historical and geographical information of which they may 



Articles on which the Society request information. 17 

he possessed, respecting any part of the American Conti- 
nent and Islands, together with printed acts and journals 
of Assemblies and Conventions, whether civil or ecclesi- 
astical. And the Society will gratefully receive from them 
and from all other persons whatever, any books, pam- 
phlets, manuscripts, maps or plans which may be useful in 
an historical collection — and any natural or artificial pro- 
ductions which may enlarge the Museum. 



As one branch of a collection of materials for the civil 
and ecclesiastical history of this country — it is intended to 
form a complete series of Sermons, 

On the discovery of America. 

On the completion of one century from the dis- 
covery or settlement of any State, town, or oth- 
er place in the United States. 
i Delivered before the General Court ) in Plymouth 

At the anniversary elections $ or Boston, 

in Connecticut, New Hampshire, or any other 
of the States. 

At the anniversary conventions of the clergy, 
Episcopal, Presbyterian, Congregational, or 
Baptist. 

At the anniversary elections of officers of the ar- 
tillery company. 

On annual and special Fasts and Thanksgivings. 

To militia companies, or to troops in camp. 

On victory or defeat in war. 

On ordinations, installations, or removals of min- 
isters, dedication of churches, &c. 

On the return of peace. 

On remarkable events, as fires, earthquakes, epi- 
demic sickness, &c. 

At assizes, or the opening courts of justice* 

At town meetings, and on other popular occasions. 
Orations, Sermons, or Poems, 

On the anniversary of the first landing of our an- 
cestors at Plymouth. 

On the anniversary of the 5th of March. 

On the anniversary of the 4th of July. 

At the meetings of the> Cincinati Society* 
3 



18 On preserving animals and parts of animals. 

On the death of eminent characters in church or 

state. 
Before any literary society. 
Journals, laws, resolves and protests, 
Of Congresses. 

Of Assemblies, Conventions, and other 
Legislative and deliberative bodies. 
Conferences and treaties of publick Commissioners, 
appointed to treat with Indians. 
Tax acts of an older date than 1775. 
Proclamations by authority, and other single printed sheets. 
Proceedings of Episcopal conventions, Ecclesiastical coun- 
cils, Presbyteries, Synods, General Assemblies, Bap- 
tist Associations, Circular Letters of the Societies of 
Friends ; and of other denominations of christians. 
Indian exploits, speeches, anecdotes, &c. 
Narratives, Of battles, with the Indians. 

Of captives, their exploits, sufferings, escapes, &c. 
Of missionaries and itinerant preachers of all de- 
nominations. 
Journals, Of voyagers and travellers, for discovery, curi- 
osity, or other causes. 
Minutes, or other doings of political clubs. 
Magazines, museums, newspapers, &c. 
Laws, catalogues, &c. of the several colleges in our country. 

Directions for preserving animals and parts of animals. 

Quadrupeds. The head should be preserved as near- 
ly as possible in its natural form, with all its parts. If it 
be necessary to remove any of the bones of the head, care 
should be taken, to retain the jaw-bone with all the teeth \ 
entire ; as the number, form, and situation of the teethi 
afford some of the most essential and distinguishing char- 
acters. The tongue ought to be preserved in its natural 
form ; also the legs, feet, and hoojs or claws. 

Birds. These should be preserved in full plumage ;\ 
with the bill, tongue,-<xnd other parts of the head; the wingsJ 
thighs, legs, and claws; and the fleshy part of the rump, im 
which the tail-feathers are inserted; with all the feathers as; 
nearly as may be in their natural position. There are ma- 
ny parts or appendages of the head, the presence or absencei 



Method of preserving the skins of birds, 19 

of which affords distinguishing characters. Specimens of 
birds of both sexes and of the same species are desirable. 
The nests and eggs of birds contribute to increase the 
knowledge of natural history. 

Amphibious. The head, with all its parts ; the skin or 
■shell in its natural form; with all the limbs and appendages. 

Serpents. The whole head, teeth and tongue. The 
skin ought to be opened on one side, to preserve uninjured 
the scales on the belly, from the head to the end of the tail. 
A small portion of the bone at the end of the tail should 
be retained. If the skin be spread open and dried (as 
hereafter directed in the mode of drying the skins of birds) 
all the rings, spots, and stripes will appear; and especial- 
ly the scales under the belly, called the scuta and squama; 
the number of which affords distinguishing characters. 

Fishes. Specimens may be preserved, by splitting the 
head and taking one half of the head and gills, and skin, 
with all the fns of the back and belly, and along the tail 
to its extremity ; the membraneous part which is an ex- 
tension of the head over the gills, called the branchia, and 
contains a number of long bones called rays, which are 
generally essential in giving the characters of fishes. 

Insects. These should be preserved entire. 

Testaceous. In preserving those which have two 
valves or shells ; great care should be taken to preserve 
the joints by which the shells or valves are connected; 
because they contain the essential characters. Those 
shells which are found with the fish in them are most val- 
uable for the brightness of colour. 

Zoophytes, which partake of the nature of both ani- 
mals and vegetables, should be preserved entire ; with 
the substances to which they may be found to adhere. 

Doctor Cutler's method of preserving the skins of birds. 

"Open the skin along the breast ; remove the whole of 
the body and neck, retaining the bones of the fore-part of 
the head ; the wings, thighs and legs. Then spread the 
skin open ; and place it on a sheet of brown paper, adjust- 
ing the head, wings, legs and tail. Over the skin, thus 
disposed, place another sheet of paper, and a small weight, 
so as to produce a gentle pressure. When the skin is be- 



20 Methods of preserving animals and their skins* 

come somewhat dry and stiff, it may be moistened with a 
sponge or brush dipped in spirits. * Then sprinkle the 
skin pretty thick with a powder composed of equal parts of 
alum, salt-petre, and black pepper. Then place it between 
two sheets of paper as before, with a gentle pressure. It 
may be enclosed in several thicknesses of paper, to prevent 
all the feathers from being injured by the heat, and be 
placed for several hours in an oven after the bread is drawn." 

M. Cutler. 



Methods of preserving animals and their skins. 

" First. Take half an ounce of crude Sal Ammoniac 
in powder ; put it into a pint of water ; and when dissolv- 
ed, add one ounce of corrosive sublimate mercury also in 
powder. 

When this solution is used, it should be put into a glass 
phial and set in a vessel of cold water over the fire. When 
the water boils, the solution will be sufficiently heated. 
When heated, it must be laid on with a brush. It is used 
for washing the inside of boxes, in which insects and other 
preparations are kept. There should be a string or wire, 
round the neck of the phial, by which it may be lifted, 
when hot ; and it must be heated in a glass phial as direct- 
ed ; because it corrodes with great rapacity every metal- 
lic substance. 

" Second. Take twelve ounces of rectified spirits of 
ivine; one ounce and a half of spirit of turpentine; mix, 
and add half an ounce of camphor. 

The skins of animals may be passed over with this fluid, 
by means of a brush. It will destroy several species of 
insects. 

" Third. Take white arsenic two ounces, alum, com- 
mon salt, flower of sulphur, white chalk, one ounce of 
each ; colocynth one quarter of an ounce, and of black 
pepper one ounce. Let each be powdered separately, 
then mix them intimately. 

♦The stiffest skins of any animal whatever may be rendered soft and pliable, by 
the application of the yolk of an egg mixed with warm water. 



Method of preserving birds and other animals. 21 

'" Fourth. With this compound powder, let the fresh 
skins of animals be sprinkled on the inside ; and for the 
outside, use one pint of rectified spirit in which one quar- 
ter of an ounce of mercury sublimate corrosive is dissolved. 
This method is very proper for birds. The celebrated 
Reaumur used every spring to place his preparations in 
an oven made so hot as only not to burn the feathers or 
hair ; by which means any latent insects were destroyed. 

It may not be improper to observe, that these are all 
nocturnal insects, and begin to move soon after twilight 
in quest of proper substances on which to deposit their 
eggs. The evening is therefore a fit time to examine the 
walls, by which attention, many of them may be des- 
troyed. I have found this a useful precaution. The 
specimens themselves should be frequently and carefully 
examined, to discover any insects which may have crept 
into them ; without this care, no application whatever 
will I believe effectually preserve them." 

A method of preserving birds and other animals, from the 
Philosophical Transactions^ recommended by Dr. Lett- 
som, in his Travellers Companion, p. 13. 

u Birds in perfect plumage should be opened from the 
tipper part of the breast, to the vent, with a sharp knife or 
pair of scissors; the feathers of the breast and belly being 
first carefully laid aside by the fingers ; so as not to hinder 
the skin being easily come at. The skin must then be 
carefully loosened from all the fleshy parts of the breast and 
body. Take out all the entrails. Then with a compo- 
sition of burnt alum, camphor and cinnamon of each an 
equal quantity, well powdered and mixed, let the whole 
carcase be strewed over lightly ; but salt is not to be used 
with this composition, as it will, in moist weather, drop 
and besmear the feathers. Pour into the body a small quan- 
tity of camphorated spirit of wine ; after that, fill up the 
cavity with cotton or any soft wooly substance, pouring 
some of the aforesaid spirit into the cotton or stuffing. 

11 Fill up the body where the flesh has been taken away, 
with cotton, and your composition ; and having a fine nee- 
dle and silk, sew up the skin, beginning at the breast ; ob- 



22 Method of preserving birds and other animals. 

serving, as you approach towards the vent, to stuff the 
skin as tight as it will bear. This will be easily accom- 
plished by means of a small stick, of wood or ivory, till 
the whole is done. Then lay the feathers of the breast 
and belly in their proper order. 

" To preserve the head, Mr. Kuckahn directs the neck 
to be pulled within the skin, till the back of the skull is 
drawn in sight; out of which a small piece is to be cut, 
and the brains extracted. The cavity of the skull is then 
to be moistened with spirits, and filled with the composi- 
tion and with cotton ; the skin may then be drawn to its 
proper place. 

" Or, the brain may be extracted, by making an incis- 
ion through the roof of the mouth (taking care not to in- 
jure the tongue) with a sharp pointed knife and drawing 
the substance of the brain, the eyes, and other internal 
parts of the head ; the cavity should be immediately filled 
with the composition and cotton. No water should be 
used to cleanse any of the cavities. 

Large sea fowls have thick, strong skins; such may be 
skinned, taking care to preserve the bones of the head, and 
other essential characteristic parts. The inside of the skin 
may be moistened with any of the aforementioned solutions, 
the sublimate solution to be preferred. But where these 
cannot be had, a mixture of tobacco-dust, alum, pepper, 
and camphor may be substituted. The skin may then be 
stuffed with oakum or tobacco steeped in the solution, and 
sewed up. It should be kept dry, and as soon as possible 
dried in an oven, not so hot as to crisp the feathers. 

" The skins of fishes taken off at sea may be preserved 
in a strong brine, with the addition of a little alum. 

" When any subject is to be kept some time in a hot 
climate, it should be secured in a box filled with oakum, 
tow, or tobacco, well sprinkled with the sublimate solution. 

" Small birds may be preserved whole in spirits ; the 
finest plumage is not injured by this mode. 

" Small quadrupeds, reptiles, zoophites and marine in- 
sects, may also be preserved in spirits, with the addition 
of a little alum ; the corks of the phials must be well se- 
cured, or the spirits will evaporate, The first drawn spir- 
its, commonly called high wines, are to be preferred. 



Method of collecting and preserving vegetables. 23 

" Winged insects are best preserved by drying ; when 
first caught, they should be put into boxes well besmeared 
with camphor. 



Method of collecting and preserving vegetables. 
By Dr. Lettsom. 

" When the naturalist is in search of vegetable produc- 
tions, different soils and situations should be examined; as 
the sea and its shores, deep running waters, dykes, marsh- 
es, moors, mountains, rocks, woods, neglected or cultiva- 
ted fields. Each of these affords peculiar plants ; and 
when any are collected, the particular soil and situation 
should be remarked. If it be convenient to take the 
whole plant with its root, flowers and parts of fructification 
entire and perfect, the most effectual way of preserving it, 
is to put it into a bottle of spirits. But it is often more 
convenient to convey them dried in a hortus siccus. 

" To do this in the best manner, and to make the stalks, 
leaves and flowers lie flat and smooth, they must be expo- 
sed, between papers, to a free dry air, with considerable 
pressure upon them. The leaves and flowers should be 
carefully expanded ; for on this, the beauty and value of 
the specimen greatly depend. The plants should be gath- 
ered on a dry day, whilst they are in full bloom, and all 
their parts perfect and entire. When perfectly dry, they 
may be kept, either loose in quires of paper, or fastened 
into a book, with glue made of fish ising-glass, dissolved 
in boiling, water.* Particular care should be taken to 
avoid any injuries from moisture or insects; to prevent any 
accident from the latter, let the paper and stalks of the 
plants be sprinkled with the sublimate solution. 



* One ounce of fish ising-glass dissolved in a quart of brandy, and boiled till three 
quarters of the liquor be evaporated, will make a fine glue, which may be kept bot- 
ilcd for a long time. 

Dr. Clarkson, late of Philadelphia. 



24 Method of taking impressions of vegetable leaves'. 

The impressions of plants well taken off on paper look 
very little inferior to the best drawings. Several methods 
have been recommended. The following by professor 
Peck is very easy and effectual. 



Method of taking impressions of vegetable leaves by means 

of smoke. 

" The apparatus necessary for this purpose consists of 
a pane of glass ; a pair of pliers, the jaws of which must 
be covered with leather ; a pair of small forceps ; a wood- 
en cylinder, about an inch and a quarter in diameter, cov- 
ered with soft woolen cloth, wrapped four or five times 
round it and secured ; two pieces of sponge of the size of 
a hen's egg ; and some splinters of pitch pine wood. It 
is convenient also to have two cups of water. 

" The process is as follows. — Take a dry leaf, let it 
lie in warm water till it becomes perfectly flexible ; then 
with one of the sponges moisten the glass ; lay the leaf 
on it, with the face next the glass, pressing it close with 
the sponge, which at the same time absorbs all superflu- 
ous moisture. The glass is then to be taken up by the 
pliers; a splinter of the pitch pine is to be lighted and the 
leaf held over the smoke ; it must be kept moving, that 
the smoke may be equally distributed, and the leaf pre- 
vented from drying. 

" When it is sufficiently blackened, it is to be removed 
from the glass with the small forceps, taking it by the 
stalk, near the leaf, and placed on a smooth clean table. 
Then with the other sponge dipped in clean water, wet 
the paper on each side, till it is sufficiently moist and soft ; 
then laying it carefully on the leaf, pass the roller over it, 
bearing on it with both hands, with an even pressure ; 
and you will find a beautiful impression of the leaf witb 
every vein and ramification. 

" The smoke is to be washed from the glass for every 
new impression. If the leaf chosen is fresh, it must be 
suffered to wither, then wetted and placed on the glass 
as above." 



On collecting mineral and fossil substances. 25 

Method of preserving marine productions. 

" Corals, Corallines, Sponges and other marine produc- 
tions are found in considerable variety near the coasts of 
islands and continents, particularly in hot climates. Some 
of these are very tender and brittle when dry, and should 
therefore be carefully packed up in sand, in order to keep 
them steady ; or they may be placed between papers in 
the manner of a hortus siccus. 

16 In hot climates the insects are rapacious and the 
finest fan-corals and others of a soft texture, when first 
taken out of the sea, are sometimes almost devoured before 
they become hard and dry. To prevent injuries of this 
kind ; a little powdered corrosive sublimate or its solution 
may be sprinkled on them. Some of the smaller, and 
some branches of the larger may be put into spirits and 
the parts of them preserved more distinctly." 

Dr. Lettsom. 



In collecting mineral and fossil substances, the following 
particulars are to be attended to. 

" When any articles* are collected, mark them by 
numbers or some other sign of distinction referring to a 
catalogue, with all the particulars relative to the subject 
— as (1.) Where it was found. (2.) In what quantity. 
(3.) Whether on the surface of the earth, or at what depth. 
(4.) In what position, whether horizontal, perpendicular 
or inclined, in what angle and to what point of the com- 
pass. (5.) Whether in strata or loose. (6.) The depth 
and thickness of the strata, how inclined and to what 
point ; whether the fissures be horizontal, perpendicular, or 
inclined; and what fossil bodies are contained in the fissures. 
(7.) The quality of the neighbouring waters, whether pure, 
tasteless, purgative, vitriolic, chalybeate, &c. 

" The places to be searched are the sides and gullies of 
hills, the shores of the sea and rivers, with adjacent banks 
and cliffs, and the falls of rivers. 

* Sands and clays, chalk, flints, and pit coal are particularly desirable, because 
useful in manufactures. 



26 On collecting mineral and fossil substances, 

" The situation of mines, pits and quarries, whether in 
vallies, hills, or plains, and the disposition of the strata, 
their depth and thickness. The damps and steams of 
mines and pits, and the affects of them on the human body 
or on fire ; in what seasons and in what state of the air 
they are observed ; and what is the temperature of the 
air at particular depths. The accounts of these things 
given by natives and workmen." All these' are subjects 
of inquiry for a naturalist. 

Dr. Lettsom. 



COLLECTIONS, &c. 



LETTER PROM THE HON. WILLIAM A. BURWELL, MEMBER 
OF CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF VIRGINIA, TO THE 
HON. JOSIAH QUINCV, MEMBER OF CONGRESS FROM THE 
STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS. 

Washington, December 20th, 1812. 
Dear Sir, 

THE manuscript copy of Bacon and Ingram's rebellion 
was found among the papers of the late Capt. Nathaniel 
Burwell, of King William County. — I have not been able 
to obtain many particulars from his family relative to it. 

At the close of the war he heard of its existence in an old 
and respectable family of the Northern Neck of Virginia, 
and procured it for his amusement ; he entertained no 
doubt of its antiquity, and valued it on that account. 

From the appearance of the work, the minute and cir- 
cumstantial detail of facts, the orthography, and the style, 
I am perfectly satisfied his opinion was correct. — I hope 
it will be found worthy of a place in the valuable collec- 
tions of the Society to which you belong. 

Permit me to offer my best wishes for the success of 
your labours. Yours respectfully, 

William A. Burwell, of Virginia. 



The Indians Proseedings. 
***************** 

for their owne security. They found that their store was 
too short to indure a long seige, without making emty 
bellies and that emty bellies makes weake hearts, which 

* We regret that the beginning of this manuscript is missing, and that several parts 
were so much torn that it became necessary to leave vacant spaces. Where the ex- 
pression is uncertain, but the page not wholly disfigured, we have used italick letters. 
Ed. 



28 Indians Proseedings 



o 



always makes an unfit serving man to wait upon the God of 
War. Therefore they were resolve, before that their spir- 
its were downe, to do what they could to keepe their stores 
up, as oppertunitie should befriend them : and allthough 
they were by the law of arms (as the case now stood) pro- 
hibited the hunting of wild deare, they resolved to see what 
good might be don by hunting tame horsses % which trade 
became their sport soe long, that those who came on horse- 
back to the seige began to feare they should be compeld to 
trot horn on foot, and glad if they scap'd so too, for these 
belegured blades made so many salleys, and the beseigers 
kep such neglegent gards, that there was very few days 
past without som remarkeable mischiefe. But what can- 
hold out allways ? even stone walls yields to the not-to-be 
gaine saide summons of time. And allthough it is saide 
that the Indians doth the least minde their bellies (as being 
content with a little) of any people in the world, yet now 
their bellies began to minde them, and their stomachs too, 
which began to be more inclinable to peace than war; which 
was the cause (no more horse-flesh being to be had) that 
they sent out 6 of their Wcerowances (chief men) to com- 
mence a treaty. What the artickles were that they brought 
along with them to treate of I do not know, but certainly 
they were so unacceptable to the English, that they caused 
the commissioners brains to be knocks out for dictating 
so badly to their tongues, which yet, tis possible, exprest 
more reason, than the English had to prove the lawfulness 
of this action, being diametrecall to the law of arms. 

This strange action put those in the fort to their trumps r 
having thus lost som of their prime court cards, without a 
faire dealing. They could not tell what interpretation to 
put upon it (nay, indeed, nobody else) and very faine they 
would understand why those, whom theysent out with a view 
to supplicate a peace should be worse dealt with than those 
who were sent out with a sword to denounce a war ; but, 
no one could be got to make inquirie into the reason of this 

* * which put them upon a resolution to forsake their 
station, and not to expostulate the cause any further Hav- 
ing made this resolution, and destroyed all things in the fort, 
that might be servisable to the English, they boldly, undis- 
covered slip through the league(leaving the English to pros- 



Indians ProseedingSi 29 



v a 



secute the seige, as Schogin's wife brooded the eggs that 
the fox had suck'd) in the passing of vvhich they knock'd 
ten men on the head, who lay carelessly asleep in their way. 

Now allthough it might be saide that the Indians went 
their ways emty handed, in regard they had left all their 
plunder and wealth behind them in the fort, yet it cannot 
be thought that they went away emty hearted: foi though 
that was pritty well drained from its former curage 
through those inconveniences that they had bin subjected 
to by the seige, yet in the room thereof, rather than the 
venticles should lie voide, they had stowed up so much 
mallize, entermixt with a resolution of revenge, for the 
afFrunt that the English had put upon them, in killing 
their messingers of peace, that they resolved to commence 
a most barbarous and most bloody war. 

The beseigers having spent a great deale of ill imployed 
time in pecking at the huske, and now finding the shell 
open, and missing the expected prey, did not a little woon- 
der what was becom of the lately impounded Indians, who, 
though at presont, they could not be seene, yet it was not 
long before they were heard off, and felt too : for in a very 
short time they had, in a most inhumane manner, murther- 
ed no less than 60 innocent people, no ways guilty of any 
actual injury don to these ill-discerning, brutish heathen. 
By the blood of these poore soules, they thought that the 
wandering ghosts of those their commissioners, before men- 
tioned, might be alton'd and lade down to take their re- 
pose in the dismall shades of death, and they, at present, 
not obliged for to prosecute any farther revenge. There- 
fore to prove whether the English was as redy for a peace, 
as themselves, they send their remonstrance in the name of 
their Chief, taken by an English interpreter, unto the Gov- 
ernour of Virginia, with whom he expostulates in this sort. 
What was it that moved him to take up arms against him 
his professed friend in the behalfe of the Marylanders his 
professed enemies contrary to that league made between 
him and himselfe ? declares as well his owne as subjects 
griefe to finde the Verginians, of friends, without any cause 
given to becom his foes, and to be so eager in their ground- 
less quarrell, as to persew the chase into anothers domin- 
ions : Complaines, that his messingers of peace, were not 



30 Indians Proseedings. 

oneley murthered by the english, but the fact coun- 
tenanced by the Governour's connivance : for 
which, seeing no other ways to be satisfied, he 
had revenged himself by killing 10 for one of the 
Verginians, such being the disperportion between 
his great men murthered, and those by his com- 
mand slane ; that now this being done, if that his 
honour would allow him a valluable satisfaction 
for the damage he had sustained by the war, and 
no more concerne himselfe in the Marylanders 
quarill, he was content to renew and confirm the 
ancient league of amity, otherways himselfe, and 
those whom he had engaged to his intress (and 
their owne) w r ere resolved to fite it out to the last 
man. 

These proposals not being assented to by the 
English, as being derogatory and point blank both 
to honour and intress, these Indians draw in others 
(formerly in subjection to the Verginians) to their 
aides : which being conjoyned (in separate and 
united parties) they dayly committed abundance 
of unguarded and unrevenged murthers upon the 
Se U Su S f . English, which they perpretrated in a most barbar- 
ous and horrid manner. By which means abun- 
dance of the Fronteare Plantations became eather 
depopulated by the Indian settlers, or deserted by 
the planters feares, who were compelled to forsake 
their abodes to find security for their lives ; which 
they were not to part with in the hands of the In- 
dians, but under the worst of torments. For these 
brutish and inhuman brutes, lest their cruelties 
might not be thought cruell enough, they devised a 
hundred ways to torter and torment those poore 
soules with, whose reched fate it was to fall into 
their unmerciful hands. For some, before they 
w 7 ould deprive them of their lives, they would take 
a great deal of time to deprive them first of their 
skins, and if their life had not, through the anguish 
of their paine, forsaken their tormented bodies, they 
with their clubs knock out their teeth (or som in- 
strument) tear off the nails of their hands and their 



Indians Proseedings. 31 



■s 



toes, which put the poor sufferer to a woful condi- 
tion. One was prepared for the flames at James' 
town, who indured much, but found means to es- 
cape * * * * * * 
* * * * * for least that 
their deaths should be attributed to some more 
merciful hands than theirs, to put all out of ques- 
tion, they would leave som of those brutish markes 
upon their fenceless bodies, that they might testify 
it could be none but they who had committed the 
fact. 

And now it was that the poor distressed and 
doubly afflicted Planters began to curse and exe- 
crate that ill maniged business at the fort. Their 
cries were reiterated again and again, both to God 
and to man for releife. But no appearance of long 
wished for safety ariseing in the horizon of their 
hopes, they were redy, could they have tould 
which w r ay to leave all and forsake the Collony ; 
rather than to stay, and be exposed to the cruelties 
of the barberous heathen. 

At last it was concluded, as a good expedient for 
to put the countrie in a good degree of safety, for F°. rts t0 be 
to plant forts upon the Frontiers, thinking thereby 
to put a stop to the Indians excursions, which after 
the expence of a grate deale of time and charge, 
being finished, com short of the designed ends. 
For the Indians quickly found out where the mouse 
traps were sett, and for what purpose, and so re- 
solved to keep out of the way of their danger ; 
which they might easy ennough do without any 
detriment to their designes. For tho' hereby they 
were compelled to go (tis possible) a little about, 
yet they never thought much of their labour, so 
long as they were not debarred from doing of 
mischiefe ; which was not in the power of these Not valued 
forts to prevent. For if that the English did atdfans. 6 
any time know that there was more ways into the 
wood than one to kill Deare, the Indians found 
more, a thousand out of the wood, to kill men, and 
not com neare the danger of the forts neather. 



32 Indians Proseedings. 



o 



The small good that was by most expected, and 
now by them experienced from those useless fab- 
ricks (or castells, if so we say) excited a marvel- 
lous discontent among the people. Some thought 
the charge would be great, and the benefit little * 
* * It rent the hearts of many that they 
should be compeld to work all day, nay all the 
year, for to reward those mole catchers at the fort, 
(nobody knew for what,) and at night could not 
find a place of safety to lie downe in, to rest their 
wery bones, for fear they should be shattered all 
to pieces by the Indians ; upon which considera- 
tion they thought it best to petition the downefall 
of these useless (and like to be) chargeable fab- 
ricks, from whose continuance they could neither 
expect profit nor safety. 

But for the effecting this business they found 
themselves under a very grate disadvantage, for 
tho' it may be more easier to caste down than irect 
The Forts well cemented structures, yet the rule doth not 
the English hould good in all cases. For it is to be understood 
that these forts were contrived, eather by the sole 
command of the Governour, or otherways by the 
advice of those whose judgments, in these affairs, 
he approved off; eather of which was now, they be- 
ing don, his own emmediate act, as they were don 
in his name, which to have undon at the simple re- 
quest of the people, had bin in effect, to have undon 
the Repute he always held in the peoples judgment 
for a wise man ; and better that they should suffer 
some small inconveniences, than that he should be 
accounted less discerning than those, who till now 
w r ere counted more than half blinde. Besides how 
should he satisfie his honour of the undertakers of 
the work. If the peoples petition be granted, they 
must be disappointed, which would be little less 
than an undoing to them allsoe, in their expectaton 
of proffitt to be raised from the work. Hereby the 
people quickly found themselves in an errour, when 
that they apprehended what a strong foundation 
the Forts where irected upon, honour and profit 



Bacons Proseedings. 33 

against which all their saping and mineing had no 
power to overturne. They having no other ingre- 
dience to makeing up their fire works with but 
prayers and mispent tears and intreties ; which 
having vented to no purpose, and finding their con- 
dition every whit as bad, if not worse, as before 

the forts were made, they resolved to * * * 

#• * * * * # 

The people chose Col. Bacon their General, Bacon ap . 
which post he accepted. He was a man of qual- theTnK? 
ity and merit, brave and eloquent, became much 
endeared, not so much for what he had yet done 
as the cause of their affections, as for what they ex- 
pected he would doe to deserve their devotion ; 
while with no common zeale they sent up their re- 
iterated prayers, first tohimselfe,and next to heav- 
en, that he may becom their guardian angel, to pro- 
tect them from the cruelties of the Indians, against 
whom this Gent : man had a perfect antipathy. 

It seemes that at the first rise of the war this 
Gent : man had made some overtures unto the 
Governour for a commission to go and put a stop 
to the Indians proseedings. But the Governour at 
present, eather not willing to commence the quar- 
rill (on his part) till more suiteable reasons present- 
ed, for to urge his more severe prosecution of the 
same, against the heathen : Or that he doubted 
Bacons temper, as he appeared popularly inclined ; 
A Constitution not consistent with the times, or 
the peoples dispositions ; being generally discon- 
tented, for want of timely provisions against the 
Indians, or for annual impositions laid upon them, 
too grate (as they saide) for them to beare, and 
against which they had som considerable time 
complained, without the least redress. For these, advanced 
or som other reasons, the Governour refused toJSnV he 
comply with Bacon's proposalls. Which he looke- 
ing upon as undervaluing as well to his parts as 
a disperidgment to his pretentions, he in som 
elated and passionate expressions, sware Commis- 
sion or no Commission, the next man or woman 
i 



34 Bacons Proseedings. 

he heard off that should be killed by the Indians, 
he would go out against them, though but twenty 
men would adventure the servis with him. Now 
it so unhappily fell out, that the next person that 
the Indians did kill was one of his owne family. 
Whereupon having got together about 70 or 90 
persons, most good housekeepers, well armed, 
and seeing that he couid not legally procure a 
Commission (after some strugglings with the Gov- 
ernour) som of his best friends who condemned his 
enterprises, he applies himself ******** 
* * * The Governour could not bear this inso- 
lent deportment of Bacon, and spake freely against 
him, and condemned his proseedings. Which * * 
instead of seeking means to appease his anger, 
they devised meenes to increase it, by framing 
specious pretences which they grounded upon the 
bouldness of Bacons actions, and the peoples af- 
fections. They began (som of them) to have 
Bacons merits in mistrust, as a luminary that 
threatened an eclipse to their riseing glory es. 
For tho' he was but a yong man, yet they found 
that he was master and owner of those indu- 
ments which constitutes a compleate man, (as to 
intrinsecalls) wisdom to apprehend and discretion 
to chuse. By which embellishments if he should 
continue in the Governours favour of seniours 
they might becom juniours, while their yonger 
brother, thro' the nimbleness of his wit, might 
steale away that blessing, which they accounted 
their owne by birthright. This rash proceeding 
of Bacon, if it did not undoe himselfe, by his 
failing in the enterprise, might chance to undoe 
them in the affections of the people ; which to 
prevent they thought it conducable to their intress 
and establishment, for to get the Governour in 
the minde to proclaime him a Rebell, as knowing 
that once being don, since it could not be don but 
in and by the Governours name, it must needs 
breed bad blood between Bacon and Sir William, 
not easily to be purged. For though Sir William 
might forgive, what Bacon, as yet had acted ; yet 



1169673 

Bacons Proseedings. 35 

it might be questionable whether Bacon might for- 
get what Sir William had don. However, accord- ^Sto re- 
ing to their desires, Bacon, and all his adherents, duceBacoru 
was proclaimed a Rebell, May the 2d, and forces 
raised to reduce him to his duty, With which the 
Governour advanced from the middle plantation* 
to find him out, and if need was to fight him, if the 
Indians had not knock'd him, and those that were 
with him, in the head, as som were in hope they 
had don, and which by som was earnestly desired. 
After som days the Governour retracts his 
march, (a jurnye of som 30 or 40 miles) to meet 
the assemblie, now redy to set downe at our 
Metroppolis, while Bacon in the meane while 
meets with the Indians, upon whom he falls with B » c , on v meets 
abundance of resollution and gallentrey (as his Indians - 
own party relates it) in their fastness ; killing a 
great many and blowing up their magazine of 
arms and powder, to a considerable quantity if we 
may judge from himself, no less than 4000 wt. 
This being done, and all his provisions spent, he 
returns home, and while here submits himselfe to 
be chosen burgess of the County in which he did 
live, contrary to his qualifications, take him as he 
was formerly one of the Councell of State, or as 
hee was now a proclaimed Rebell. However, he « 
applyes himselfe to the performance of that trust 
reposed in him, by the people, if he might be ad- 
mitted into the house. But this not faying ac- 
cording to his desire, though according to his ex- 
pectation, and he remaining in his sloop, (then atJSJj^" 
ancor before the towne) in which was about 30 
gentlemen besides himselfe, he was there sur- 
prised and made prisoner, with the rest, som being 
put into irons, in which condition they remained 
som time, till all things were fitted for the tryall. 
Which being brought to a day of heareing, before J™§' a 
the Governour and Councell, Bacon was not only JSJ"^Jf 
acquitted and pardoned all misdemeanours, but re- 
stored to the Councel table as before ; and not 



* Williamsburg. See Beverly's history of Virginia. 



36 Bacons Proseedings. 

only, but promised to have a commission signed 
promiseda tne Monday following (this was Saturday) as 
commission. Q enera |j f or tne Indian warr, to the universal 

satisfaction of the people, who passionately de- 
sired the same ; witnessed by the general accla- 
mations of all then in towne. 

And here who can do less than wonder at the 
mutable and impermenent deportments of that 
blind Godes fortune who, in the morning leades 
men with disgraces, and ere night crowns him 
with honours ; sometimes depressing, and again 
ellevating, as her fickle humer is to smile or 
frow r n, of which this Gentlemen's fate was a kind 
of epittemy in the several vicissitudes and changes 
he was subjected in a very few days. For in the 
morning, before his try all, he was, in his enemy s 
hopes, and his friends feares, judged for to re- 
ceive the Gurdean due to a Rebell (and such he 
w 7 as proclaimed to be) and ere night crowned the 
Darling of the peoples hopes and desires, as the 
only man fitt in Verginia to put a stop to the 
bloody resollution of the Heathen. And yet 
againe, as a fuller manifestation of Fortune's in- 
constancye, within two or three days, the peoples 
hopes, and his desires, were both frustrated by the 
Governours refusing to signe the promised com- 
nor b reS" mission. At which being disgusted, though he 
commission, dissembled the same so well as he could, he beggs 
leave of the Governour to dispense w 7 ith his servis 
at the councell table, to visit, his Wife, who, as she 
|uYted dis ~ had informed him, ivas indisposed, which request 
the Governour (after som contest with his own 
thoughts) granted, contrary to the advice of som 
about him, who suspected Bacons designes, and 
that it was not so much his lady's sickness as the 
troubles of a distempered mind which caused him 
to withdraw to his own house, and that this was the 
truth, which in a few days was manifested, when 
that he returned to towne with 500 men in arms. 
The Governour did not want intelligence of Ba- 
cons designes, and therefore sent out his summons 
for Yorke traine bands to reinforce his gards then 



Bacons Proseedings. 37 



Bacon re- 
turnes to 



at towne. But the time was so short, not above 12 
howers warning) and those that appeared at the 
Rendezvous made such a slender number, that un- So? 500 
der 4 Ensignes there was not mustered above 100S a ul d a 
souldiers, and not one half of them sure neather, Commission - 
and all so sluggish in their march, that before they 
could reach towne, by a grate deale, Bacon had 
entered the same, and by force obtained a commis- 
sion, calculated to the night of his own desires. 
With which commission, being invested, (such as 
it was,) he makes redy his provisions, fills up his 
companies to the designed number (500 in all) and 
so applies himselfe to those services the country 
expected from him. And, first, for the securing the 
same against the excursions of the Indians, in his 
absence (and such might be expected) he commis- 
sionated several persons, (such as he could confide 
in) in every respective county, with select compa- 
nies of well armed men, to ravage the forests, 
thickets, swamps, and all such suspected places 
where Indians might have any shelter for the doing 
of mischiefe. Which proceedings of his put so 
much courage into the planters, that they begun 
to apply themselves to their accustomed employ- 
ments in their plantations : which till now they 
durst not do, for fear of being knocked in the 
head, as God knows, too many were, before these 
orders were observed. 

While the Generall (for so was Bacon now de- 
nominated by virtue of his commission) was sed- 
ulous in these affaires, and fitting his provissions, 
about the head of Yorke river, in order to his ad- 
vance against the Indians ; the Governour was 
steareing quite different courses. He was once 
more persuaded (but for what reasons not visible) 
to proclaim Bacon a Rebell againe. And now 
since his absence afforded an advantage to raise the 
country upon him, so soone as he should returne 
tired and exhausted by his toyle and labour, in the 
Indian war. For the putting this councel in execu- 
tion, the Governour steps over in Gloster county, 
(a place the best replenished for men, arms, and 



The Gloster 
men's pro- 
testation. 



38 Bacons Proseedings. 

affection of any County in Virginia,) all which the 
Governour summons to give him a meeting at a 
place and day assigned, where being met accord- 
ing to summons the Governours proposalls was so 
much disrelished, by the wholl convention, that 
they all disbanded to their owne aboades, after 
their promise past to stand by, and assist the Gov- 
ernour, against all those who should go about to 
rong his person or debase his authority ; unto 
which promise they annexed or subjoined severall 
reasons why they thought it not convenient at 
present, convenient to declare themselves against 
Bacon, as he was now advancing against the com- 
mon enemy, who had in a most barbarous maner 
murthered som hundreds of their deare brethren 
and countrymen, and would, if not prevented by 
God, and the endeavors of good men, do their 
utmost for to cut off the wholl Collony, 

Therefore did they think that it would be a thing 
inconsistent with right reason if that they in this 
desperate conjuncture of time, should go and in- 
gage themselves one against another ; from the re- 
sult of which proceedings, no thing could be ex- 
pected but ruine and destruction unto both, to the 
one and other party, since that it might reasonably 
be conceived, that while they should be exposing 
their breasts against one anothers wepons, the bar- 
barous and common enemy (who would make his 
advantages by our disadvantages) should be upon 
their backs to knock out their brains. But if it 
should so hapen (as they did hope would never hap- 
en) that the General after the Indian war was fin- 
ished, should attempt any thing against his Hon- 
ers person or Government, that they would rise 
up in arms, with a joint consent, for the preser- 
vation of both. 

Since the Governour could obtaine no more, he 
was, at present, to rest himself e contented with this, 
while those who had advised him to these under- 
takings, was not a little dissatisfied to find the event 
not answer their expectations. But he at present, 
seeing there was no more to be don, since he want- 



Bacons Proseedines. 39 



■s 



ed a power to have that don, which was esteemed 
the maine of the affaires, now in hand to be don, 
namely, the gaineing of the Gloster men, to do 
what he would have done, he thought it best to 
do what he he had a power to do, and that was 
once more to proclame Bacon a tratour, which cilimeJT 
was performed in all publick places of meetings Tratour ' 
in these parts. The noise of which proclameation, 
after that it had passed the admiration of all that 
were not acquainted with the reasons that moved 
his Honer to do what he had now don, soone 
reached the Generalls ears not jet stopt up from 
lisning to apparent dangers. 

This strange and unexpected news put him, and 
som with him, shrodely to their trumps, believing 
that a few such deales, or shuffles (call them which 
you please) might quickly ring the cards and game 
too out his hand. He perceved that he was falne 
(like the corne between the stones) so that if he 
did not looke the better about him, he might 
chance to be ground to powder. He knew that 
to have a certaine enemy in his frunt, and more 
than uncertaine friends in his reare, portended no 
great security from a violent death, and that there 
could be no grate difference between his being 
wounded to death in his breast, with bows and 
arrows, or in the back with guns and musquet 
bullets. He did see that there was an absolute 
necessity of destroying the Indians, for the prisar- 
vation of the English, and that there was some 
care to be taken for his own and souldiers safety y 
otherways that worke must be ill don where the 
laberoures are made criples, and compeld insteade 
of a sword to betake themselves to a crutch. 

It vext him to the hart (as he was heard to say) 
for to think that while he was hunting wolves, ty- 
gers and foxes, which dayly destroyed our harm- 
less sheepe and lambs, that hee and those with 
him should be persued, with a full crye, as a mom 
salvage or a no less ravenous beast. But to put all 
out of doubt, and himselfe in som degree of safety, 
since he could not tell but that som whom he left 



40 Bacons Proseedings. 

behind, might not more desire his death, than to 
hear that by him the Indians were destroyed, he 
forthwith (after a short consultation held with som 
of his souldiers) countermarches his army, and in a 
trice came up ivith them at the middle plantation,* 
a place situated in the very heart of the country. 

The first thing that Bacon fell upon (after that 
he had settled himself at the middle plantation) 
was to prepare his remonstrance, and that as well 
against a certain anonymous paper of the 29 of 
May, asinanswer to the Governours proclamation. 
Putting both papers upon these declarations, he asks 
whether parsons wholly devoted to their king and 
country, haters of all sinister, and by respects, 
aiming only at their countreys good, and indeav- 
ouring to the utmost of their power, to the haserd 
of their lives and fortunes, that they might de- 
stroy those, that are in armes against their king 
and countrey, men who never plotted, contrived, 
nor indeavoured any indiscretion, detriment or 
rong of any his Majesties subjects, in their lives, 
names, fortunes, or estates, can desarve the ap- 
pellation of Rebells and Traters. 

He cites the wholl contrey to testifie his and his 
souldiers peaceable behaviours ; upbrades som in 
authority w r ith the meanness of their parts ; others, 
now welthey, with the meanness of their estates, 
when they first came into the country ; and ques- 
tions by what just ways or means they have obtain- 
ed the same ; and whether they have not bin the 
spunges that have suck'd up and devoured the 
f a ra?"on. dec " common tresurye ? Questions what arts, ciences, 
schools of learning or manufacteres hath been pro- 
moted by any now in authority ?— Justifies his 
aversion (in generall) against the Indians, upbrades 
the Governour for maintaneing their quarrill (tho ? 
never so unjust) against the Christians rites and 
intress ; His refusing to admit an Englisman's oath 
against an Indian, when that an Indians word 
w 7 ould be sufficient proofe against an Englisman. 

* Williamsburg. 



Bacons Proseedings. 41 

Saith something against the Governour about the 
Beaver trade, as being a monoply * * * * 
Arraignes one Col. Coles ascertion for saying 
that the English are bound to protect the Indians 
at the haserd of their blood ; and so concludes 
with an appeale to King and Parlaiment where 
he has no doubt that his and the peoples cause 
will be impartially heard. 

After this manner the game begins. This dec- 
laration of Bacon was the Preeludum to the fol- 
lowing chapter * * * * * * 
His next worke was to invite all that had any 
regard to themselves, or love to their countrey, 
their wives, children and other relations to give 
him a meeting at his quarters, at a day named, 
then and there to consider how to put the countrey 
into som degree of safety, and to indeavour for to 
stop those imminent dangers, now threatening the 
destruction of the wholl Collony, through the 
bloody proseedings of the Indians ; and (as he 
saide) by Sir Williams doteing and irregular act- 
ings. Desiring of them not to sit still in this com- 
mon tyme of callamity, with their hands in their 
bosoms ; or as unconcern'd spectaters, stand gaz- 
ing upon their approaching ruinye, and not lend a 
hand to squench those flames, now likely to con- 
sume them and theirs to ashes. According to the 
summons most of the prime Gentlemen of these 
parts, (whereof some were of the Councell of 
State) gave Bacon a meeting at his quarters at the 
assigned time. Where being met (after a long 
harange by him made, much of the nature of, and 
to explane the summons) he desired them to take 
the same so far into their consideration, that there 
might, by their wisdom, som expedient be found 
out, as well for the countrey 's securitie against Sir 
Williams irregular proceedings, as that hee, and 
armye, might unmollest prosecute the Indian war. 
Ading, that neather himselfe, nor those under his 
command, thought it a thing consistent with rea- 
son, or common sense, to advance against the com- 
ic 



42 Bacons Proseedings. 

mon enemy, and in the meane time want insur- 
ence (when they don the worke abrode) not to 
have their throts cut when they should returne 
home, by those who had set them to worke. Being 
confident that Sir William and some others with 
him, through a sence of their unwarrantable actions, 
would do what was possible to be don, not only to 
destroy himselfe, but others (privie to their kna- 
very) now ingaged in the Indian servis with him. 

After that Bacon had urged what he thought 
meet for the better carrying on of those affaires, 
now hammering in his head, it was concluded by 
the wholl Convention, that for the establishing 
the Generall and armye, in a consistency of safety, 
and that, as well upon his march against the In- 
dians, as when he should return from the servis, 
and also for the keeping the countrey in peace, in 
his absence, that there should be a test or recog- 
nition drawne, and subscribed by the wholl coun- 
try, which should oblige them, and every of them, 
not to be aiding nor assisting Sir William Berke- 
ley (for now he would not afford him the title of 
Governour) in any sort to the molestation, hin- 
drance or detriment of the Generall and Army. 
This being assented to, the Clark of the Assembley 
was ordered to put the same into forme. Which 
while he was a doeing, the Generall would needs 
have another branch added to the former, viz. 
That the people should not onely be obliged, not 
to be aideing Sir W. B. against the Generall, but 
£cted. thpro_tne f° rce °f tn * s recognition should be obliged to 
rise in arms against him, if he with armed forces 
should offer to resist the Generall, or disturb the 
countreys peace, in his absence, and not only so, 
(but to make the engagement A-la-mode Rebel- 
lion) he would have it added, that if any forces 
should be sent out of England, at the request of 
Sir William, or otherways to his aide, that they 
were likewise to be opposed till such time as the 
countreys cause should be sent home, and report- 
ed to his most sacred Majesty. 

These two last branches of this bugbeare did 



Bacons Proseedin&s. A3 



v s 



marvellously startle the people, especially the very 
last of all, yet to give the Generall satisfaction 
how willing they were to give him all the securitye 
that lay in their power, they seemed willing to 
subscribe the two first as they sood single, but not 
to anye, if the last must be joined with them. But 
the Generall used or urged a great many reasons 
for signing the whole ingagement, as it was pre- 
sented in the three conjoined branches, otherways 
no securitye could be expected neather to the coun- 
trey, armye, nor himselfe. Therefore he was re- 
solved, if that they would not doe, what he did 
judge so reasonable, and necessary to be don, in 
and about the premises, that he would surrender 
up his commission to the assembley, and let the 
countrey find some other servants to go abrode 
and do their Worke. 

For, says he, it is to be considered that Sir Wil-? e a C S onsfor 
liam hath already proclaimed me a Rebell, and it raSeSff 81 
not unknown to himselfe that I both can and shall 
charge him with no less than treason. And it is 
not onely myself that must and is concerned in 
what shall be charged against him : But severall 
gentlemen in the countrey besides ; who now are, 
and ever will be against his intress, and of those 
that shall adhere to his illegal proseedings, of which 
he being more than ordnarily sensible, it cannot 
in common reason be otherways conceved, but that 
he being assisted by those forces, now imployed, 
that they shall not be wholly imployed to the de- 
struction of all those capeableto fram an accusation 
against him, to his sacred Majesty. Neather can 
it be reasonably apprehended, that he will ever 
condescend to any friendly accommodation with 
those that shall subscribe to all, or any part of this 
ingagement, unless such or such persons shall be 
surrendered up to his marcy to be proseeded against 
as he shall see fitt : and then how many, or few, 
those may be, whom he shall make choice of to 
be sent into the tother world that he may be rid 
of his feares in this, may be left to consideration. 

Many things was (by many of those who were 



44 Bacons Proceedings. 

of this meeting) urged pro and con, concerning the 
taking or not taking of the ingagement : — But 
such was the resolute temper of the Generall, 
against all reasoning to the contrary, that the wholl 
must be swallowed or ells no good would be don. 
In the urging of which he used such suttill and 
specious pretences ; som times for the pressing, 
and not to be dispensed with necessity, in regard 
of those feares the wholl Collony was subjected to 
through the daily murthers perpetrated by the In- 
dians, and then againe opening the harmlessness 
of the Oath, as he would have it to be, and which 
he manidged solely against a grate many of those 
counted the wisest men in the Countrey, with so 
much art and sophisticall dexterity that at length 
there was little saide by any against the same. 
Especially when the Gunner of York fort arrived, 
imploring aid to secure the same against the In- 
dians ; ading that there was a great number of poor 
people fled into it for protection, which could not 
be unless there was som speedy course taken to 
reinforce the said Fort with Munition and Arms, 
otherways it, and those fled to it, would go nere 
hand to fall into the power of the Heathen. 

The Generall was som what startled at this 
new 7 es, and accordingly expostulated the same, 
how it could possible be that the most concider- 
ablest fortris in the countrey, should be in danger 
to be surprised by the Indians. But being tould 
that the Governour, the day before, had caused 
all the Arms and Amunition to be conveyed out 
of the Fort into his owne vessell, with which he 
was saled forth of the countrey, as it was thought, 
it is strange to think, what impression this Story 
made upon the peoples apprehentions. In earnist 
this action did stager a grate many, otherways 
well inclined to Sir William, who could not tell 
what constructions to put upon it. However, 
this was no grate disadvantage to Bacons de- 
signes ; he knew well enough how to make his 
advantages out of this, as well as he did out of the 
Gloster business, before mentioned, by frameing 



Bacons Proscedings. 45 

and stomping out to the peoples apprehentions 
what commentaries, or interpretations, he pleased, 
upon theleast oversight by the Governour commit- 
ed ; which hee managed with so much cuning and 
subtillety, that the peoples minds became quickly 
flexable, and apt to receve any impression, or si- 
militude, that his Arguments should represent to 
their ill discerning judgments ; in so much that 
the oath became now more smooth, and glib, to be £kenf th 
swallowed, even by those who had the greatest re- 
pugnancy against it ; so that there was no more 
descourses used neather for restrictions, nor in- 
largements ; onely this salvo was granted unto 
those who would clame the benefit of it (and som 
did soe) yet not exprest in the written copey (viz.) 
That if there was any thing in the same of such 
dangerous consequence that might tant the sub- 
scribers Alegence, that then they should stand 
absolved from all and every part of the saide oath ; 
unto which the Generall gave his consent (and 
certainly he had too much cuning to denye, or 
gaine say it) saying God forbid that it should be 
other w 7 ays ment, or intended ; adding that him- 
selfe (and Armye by his command) had, som few 
days before taken the Oath of Alegienee, there- 
fore it could not rationally be imagined that eather 
himselfe, or them, would goe about to act, or do, 
any thing contrary to the. meaneing of the same. 
Bad ware requires a darke store, while sleeke 
and pounce inveagles the chapmans judgment. 
Though the first subscribers were indulged the 
liberty of entering their exceptions, against the 
strict letter of the oath, yet others who were to 
take the same before the respective justices of 
peace in their severall jurisdictions, were not to 
have the same lattitude. For the power of afford- 
ing cautions, and exceptions, was solely in the 
imposer, not in those who should hereafter ad- 
minister the oath, whereby the aftertakers were 
obliged to swallow the same (though it might 
haserd their choakeing) as it stood in the very let- 
ter thereof!. Neather can I apprehend what ben- 



46 Bacons Proseedings. 

efit could possibly accrue more unto those who 
were indulged, the fore saide previllidg than to 
those who were debar'd the same ; since both sub- 
scribed the ingagement as it stood in the letter, 
not as it was in the meaneing of the subscriber. 
It is trew, before God and their own consciences, 
it might be pleadeable, but not at the bar of hu- 
mane proseedings, without a favourable interpreta^ 
tion put upon it, by those who were to be the judges. 
While Bacon was contriveing, and imposeing 
this illegal! oath, for to secure himself against the 
Govemour, the Governour was no less sollicitous 
to find out meanes to secure himself against Ba- 
con. Therefore, as the onely place of securytie, 
SrAc*co ails within the Collony, to keep out of Bacons reach, 
mack. ne sales over to Accomack. This place is se- 
questered from the mane part of Verginia through 
the enterposition of the grate Bay of Cheispiock, 
being itselfe an isthmus, and commonly called the 
Eastern shore. It is bounded on the East with 
the maine oacian, and on the South west with the 
aforesaide Bay which runs up into the countrey 
navigable for the bigest ships more than 240 
miles, and so consequently, not approacheable 
from the other parts of Verginia but by water, 
without surrounding the head of the saide Bay : 
A labour of toyle, time, and danger, in regard of 
the way, and habitations of the Indians. 

It was not long before Bacon was informed 
where the Governor had taken sanctuary ; neather 
was he ignorant what it was that moved him to 
do what he had don : He did allso apprehend that 
as he had found the way out, he could (when he 
mack?°' saw his own time) find the way in againe ; and 
though he went forth with an emty hand he 
might return with a full fist. For the preventing 
of which (as he thought) he despach'd away one 
Esq. Bland, a Gent : man of an active and stiring 
dispossition, and no great admirer of Sir Williams 
goodness ; and with him, in Commission, one 
Capt. Carver, a person aquainted with navigation, 
and one (as they say) indebted to Sir W. (before 



Bland and 
Carver sent 



Bacons Proseedings. 47 

he dyed) for his life, upon a duble account with 
forces in two ships, eather to block Sir William up 
in Accomack, or other ways to inveagle the inhab- 
itants (thinkeing that all the countrey, like the 
Friere in the bush, must needs be so mad as todance 
to their pipe) to surrender him up into their hands. 

Bacon haveing sent Bland, and the rest, to doe 
this servis, once more re-enters upon his Indian 
march ; after that he had taken order for the con- viS! 
veneing an Assembley, to sit downe on the 4 ofiffiSL e 
September, the Summons being authentick'd, as 
they would have it, under the hands of 4 of the 
Councell of State ; and the reason of the Conven- 
tion to manidge the affaires of the countrey in his 
absence ; least (as he saide) while he went abrode 
to destroy the Wolves, the Foxes, in the meane 
time, should com and devoure the Sheepe. He 
had not march'd many miles, from his head quar- 
ters, but that news came poste hast, that Bland 
and the rest with him, were snapt at Accomack ; 
betrade (as som of their owne party related) by 
Capt. Carver : but those who are best able to 
render an acount of this affaire do aver, that there 
was no other Treason made use of but their want 
of discretion, assisted by the juce of the Grape J"25haSS? 
had it been otherways the Governour would never 
rewarded the servis with the gift of a Halter,, 
which he honoured Carver with, sudenly after hi& 
surpriseall. Bland was put in Irons, and ill in- 
treated, as it was saide ; most of the soulders 
owned the Governours cause, by entering them- 
selves into his servis ; those that refused were 
made prissoners, and promised a releasement at 
the price of Carvers fate. 

The Governour being blest with this good ser- 
vis, and the better servis, in that it was efected 
without blood shed, and being inform'd that Ba-^^,- fe s ^f 
con was entred upon his Indian March, ships him- ^™ estern 
selfe for the western shore, being assisted with 
5 ships and 10 sloops, in which (as it is saide) 
was about a thousand soulders. The newes 
where of outstriping his canvass wings soone 



48 Bacons Proseedings. 

reached the eares of those left by Bacon, to see 
the Kings peace kep, by resisting the Kings vice 
gerent. For before that the Governour could get 
over the water, two fugetives was got to land, 
sent (as may be supposed) from som in Acco- 
mack, spirited for the Generalls quarill, to inform 
those here, of the same principles, of the Gov- 
ernours strength, and upon what terms his soulders 
were to fight. And first they were to be reward- 
ed with those mens estates who had taken Bacons 
oath, catch that catch could. Secondly that they, 
tefmsttie at and their heirs, for 21 years should be discharged 
£n C s °we?e k to fr° m a ^ impossition, excepting Church dues, and 
fight * lastly 12 pence per day, dureing the wholl time 
of servis. And that it was further decreed that 
all sarvants, whose masters were under the Gen- 
erall Collours, or that had subscribed the ingage- 
ment, should be set free, and injoy the fore men- 
tion'd benifits, if that they would (in Arms) owne 
the Governours cause. And that this was the 
wholl truth, and nothing but the truth, the two 
men before mentioned, deposed before Capt. 
Thorp one of the lust-asses of the peace, for 
York county, after that one Collonel Searsbrooke 
had more prudently declined the admiting these 
two scoundrills to the test. Whether these fel- 
lows were in the right, or in the rong, as to what 
they had narated, I know not, but this is certaine, 
whether the same was trew, or false, it produced 
the effects of truth in peoples mindes ; who 
hereby became so much distracted in their resso- 
lutions, that they could not tell, at present, which 
p e h rpiexed les way to turn themselves ; while their tongues ex- 
con mon. p ressec | no t ner language but what sounded forth 
feares, wishes, and execrations, as their appre- 
hentions, or affections, dictated ; All lookeing 
upon themselves as a people utterly undon, being 
equally exposed to the Governours displeasure, 
and the Indians bloody cruilties ; Som curseing 
the cause of their approacheing destruction, looke- 
ing upon the oath to be no small ingredient, 
helping to fill up the measure of their miserys : 



Bacons Proseedings. 49 

Others wishing the Genralls presence, as the onely 
rock of safety, while others look'd npon him as the 
onely quicksands ordained to swollow up, and sinke 
the ship that should set them on shore, or keep them 
from drownding in the whirle poole of confuseion. 

In the midest of these feares and peturbations, the f/^;^ 
Governour arrives with his fleet of 5 ships and ]0£ wne ' Se P* 
sloopes, all well man'd (or appeared to be soe) be- 
fore the Towne ; into which the Governour sends 
his summons (it being possest by 7 or 800 Baconi- 
ans) for a Rendition ; with a free and ample pardon 
to all that would decline Bacons intress, and owne 
his, excepting one Mr. Drummond and one Mr. 
Larance a Collonel, and both active promoters of 
Bacons designes : Which is a most apparent argu- 
ment, that what those two men (before mentioned) 
had sworn to, was a mere pack of untruths. This 
his Honours Proclamation was acceptable to most 
in Towne ; while others againe would not trust to 
it, feareing to meet with som after-claps of revenge : 
Which diversity of opinions put them all into a res- 
solution of diserting the place, as not Tenable (but 
indeed had it bin fortifyed, yet they had no com- 
mission to fight) while they had the liberty of 
so doeing, before it should be wholly invested ; 
which that night, in the dark, they put in execution, 
every one shifting for himselfe with no ordnary 
feare, in the gratest hast possible, for fere of being 
sent after : And that som of them was possess'd 
with no ordnary feare, may be manifested in Col- 
lonell Larence, whose spirits were so much destract- 
ed, at his apprehentions of being one excepted in 
the Governours act of grace, that he forsooke his 
owne howse with all his welth and a faire cupbord 
of plate entire standing, which fell into the Gover- 
nours hands the next morning. 

The Towne being: thus forsaken, by the Baco-T he j? aco , n - 

c* 'J lans forsake 

mans, his Honour enters the same the next day, thetowne - 
about noone ; where after he had rendred thanks 
unto God for his safe arrivall (which he forgot not 
to perform upon his knees, at his first footeing the 



50 Bacons Proseedings. 

shore) hee applyes himselfe not only to secure what 
hee had got possession of, but to increace and in- 
large the same to his best advantage. And know- 
ing that the people of ould useally painted the God 
of war with a belly to be fed, as well as with hands 
to fight, he began to cast about for the bringing in 
of provissions, for to feed his soulders ; and in the 
next place for soulders, as well to reinforce his 
strength within, as to enlarge his quarters abrode : 
But as the saying is, Man may propose, but God 
will dispose ; when that his Honour thought him- 
selfe so much at liberty, that he might have the li- 
berty to go when and where he pleased, his expec- 
tations became very speedily and in a moment frus- 
trated. 

For Bacon haveing don his buisness against the 
Indians, or at least so much as he was able to do, 
having marched his men with a grate deale of toyle 
and haserd som hundreds of miles, one way and 
another, killing som and takeing others prissoners, 
and haveing spent his provissions, draws in his for- 
ces within the verge of the English Plantations, 
from whence he dismiseth the gratest part of his 
Army to gether strength against the next designed 
march, which was no sooner don but he incounters 
the newes of the Governours being arived at towne. 
Of which being informed he with a marvellous cel- 
lerity (outstriping the swift wings of fame) march- 
eth those few men now with him (which hee had 
onely reserved as a gard to his parson) and in a trice 
t r ^ e C Gov 10 up S ^ oc ^ s U P tne Governour in towne, to the generall 
m towne. astonishment of the whole countrey; especially when 
that Bacons numbers was knowne ; which at this 
time did not exseed above a hundred and fifty, and 
these not above two thirds at work neather. An 
action of so strange an aspect, that whoever tooke 
notis of it, could not choose bnt thinke but that the 
Accomackians eather intended to receive their prom- 
ised pay, without desart ; or otherways to establish 
such signall testimonies of their cowardize or dis- 
affections, or both, that posterity might stand and 
gaze at their reched stupidety. 



Bacons Proseedings. 51 

Bacon soone perceved what easye worke he was 
likely to have, in this servis, and so begun to set 
as small an esteeme upon these mens eurages, as 
they did upon their owne credits. Hee saw, by the 
Prolog, what sport might be expected in the play, 
and so began to dispose of his affaires accordingly. 
Yet not knowing but that the paucity of his num- 
bers being once knowne, to those in towne, it might 
raise their hearts to a degree of curage, haveing so 
much the ods, and that manitimes number prevales 
against ressolution, he thought it not amiss, since 
the Lions strength was too weake, to strengthen 
the same with the Foxes Braines : and how this 
was to be efected you shall heare. 

For emediately he despatcheth two or three par- ^"eraT 
ties of Horss, and about so many in each party, for Sini&e 
more he could not spare, to bring into the camp;j r m ^" d 
some of the prime Gent : women, whose husbands 
were in towne. Where when arived he sends one 
of them to inform her owne, and the others Hus- 
bands, for what purposes he had brought them into 
the camp, namely, to be plac'd in the fore frunt of 
his men, at such time as those in towne should 
sally forth upon him. 

The poor Gent : women were mightily astonish- 
ed at this project ; neather were their husbands 
voide of amazements at this subtill invention. If 
Mr. Fuller thought it strange, that the Divells black 
gard should be enrouled Gods soulders, they made 
it no less wonderful, that their innocent and harm- 
less wives should thus be entred a white garde to 
the Divell. This action was a method, in war, that 
they were not well acquainted with (no not those 
the best inform'd in millitary affaires) that before 
they could com to pearce their enimies sides, they 
must be obliged to dart their weapons through their 
wives brest : By which meanes though they (in 
their owne parsons) might escape without wounds; 
yet it might be the lamentable fate of their better 
halfe to drop by gunshot, or othet ways be wounded 
to death. 



52 Bacons Proseedings. 

Whether it was these considerations, or some oth- 
ers, 1 do not know, that kep their swords in their 
scabards : But this is manifest, That Bacon knit 
more knotts by his owne head in one day, than all 
the hands in towne was able to untye in a wholl 
weeke : While these Ladyes white Aprons became 
of grater force to keepe the beseiged from falleing 
out than his works (a pitiful trench) had strength 
to repell the weakest shot, that should have bin 
sent into his legure, had he not made use of this in- 
vention. 

For it is to be noted that right in his frunt, where 
he was to lodge his men, the Governour had plant- 
ed 3 grate guns, for to play poynt blank upon his 
men, as they were at worke, at about 100 or 150 
paces distance ; and then again, on his right hand, 
all most close aborde the shore, lay the ships, with 
their broade sides, to thunder upon him if he should 
offer to make an onslante ; this being the onely 
place, by land, for him to make his entrey, into the 
towne : But for your better satisfaction, or rather 
those who you may show this naritive to, who have 
never bin upon the place, take this short description. 
SonSs The place, on which the towne is built, is a per- 
Towne. j^j. Peninsula, or tract of land, allmost wholly in- 
compast with water. Haveing, on the Sowth side 
the River (Formerly Powhetan, now called lames 
River) 3 miles brode, incompast on the North, from 
the East pointe, with a deep creeke, rangeing in a 
cemicircle, to the west, within 1 paces of the River ; 
and there, by a small Istmos, tack'd to the Continent. 
This Iseland (for so it is denominate) hath for Long- 
itude (East and West) nere upon two miles, and for 
Lattitude about halfe so much, beareing in the wholl 
compass about 5 miles, Title more or less. It is 
low ground, full of Marches and Swomps, which 
makes the Aire, especially in the Sumer, insalubri- 
tious and unhelthy : It is not at all replenished with 
springs of fresh water, and that which they have in 
their wells, brackish, ill sented, penurious, and not 
gratefull to the stumack ; which render the place 



A salley 



Bacons Proseedings. 53 

improper to indure the commencement of a seige. 
The Towne is built much about the midle of the 
Sowth line, close upon the River, extending east 
and west, about 3 quarters of a mile ; in which is 
comprehended som 16 or 18 houses, most as is the 
church built of* brick, faire and large ; and in them 
about a dozen families (for all the bowses are not 
inhabited) getting their liveings by keeping of ord- 
naries, at extreordnary rates. 

The Governour understanding that the Gent : 
women, at the Legure, was, by order, drawne out 
of danger, resolved if posible to beate Bacon out 
of his trench ; which he thought might easily be 
performed, now that his Gardian Angels had for- 
saken his camp. For the efecting of which he sent made upon 
forth 7 or (as they say) 800 of his Accomackians, 
who (like scholers goeing to school) went out with 
hevie harts, but return'd horn with light heeles ; 
thinkeing it better to turne their backs upon that 
storme, that their brests could not indure to strugle 
against, for feare of being gauled in their sides, or 
other parts of their bodys, through the sharpness of 
the wether ; which (after a terable noyse of thun- 
der and lightning out of the Easte) begun to blow 
with a powder (and some lead too as big as mus- 
quitt boolits) full in their faces, and that with so 
grate a violence, that som of them was not able to 
stand upon their leggs, which made the rest betake 
themselves to their heeles ; as the onely expedient 
to save their lives ; which som amongst them had 
rather to have lost, then to have own'd their safety 
at the price of such dishonourable rates. 

The Governour was extremely disgusted at the 
ill management of this action, which he exprest in 
som passionate terms, against those who merited 
the same. But in ernist, who could expect the 
event to be otherways then it was, when at the first 
notis given, for the designed salley to be put in ex- 
ecution, som of the officers made such crabed faces 
at the report of the same, that the Guner of Yorke 
Fort did proffer to purchase, for any that would buy 



The Gov 

leaves 

Towne. 



54 Bacons Proseedings. 

a Collonells, or a Captains, Commission, for a 
chunke of a pipe. 

The next day Bacon orders 3 grate guns to be 
brought into the camp, two whereof he plants upon 
his trench. The one he sets to worke (playing 
som calls it, that takes delight to see stately struc- 
turs beated downe, and men blowne up into the air, 
like Shutle Cocks) against the Ships, the other 
against the enterance into towne, for to open a pasage 
to his intended storm, which now was resolved up-j 
on as he said, and which was prevented by the 
Governours forsakeing the place, and shiping him- 
selfe once more to Accomack ; takeing along with 
him all the towne people, and their goods, leaveing 
all the grate Guns naled up, and the howses emty 
for Bacon to enter at his pleasure, and which he did 
the next morning before day : Where, contrary to 
his hopes, he met with nothing that might satisfie 
eather himselfe or soulders desires, except few hor- 
ses, two or three sellers of wine, and some small 
quantety of Indian Corne with a grate many Tan'd 
Jiides. 

The Governour did not presently leaves lames 
•River, but rested at an Ancor some 20 miles belowi 
the towne, which made Bacon entertaine some 
thoughts, that eather hee might have a desire to re- 
enter his late left quarters, or return and block him 
up, as he had Sir William. And that there was 
jsom probability Sir W. might steare such a course 
was news from Potomack (a province within the 
North Verge of Verginia) that Collonell Brent was 
marching at the head of 1000 soulders towards 
towne in vindication of the Governours quarill. 
The better to prevent Sir Williams designes (if hes 
had a desire to returne) and to hinder his conjun- 
^aconeetstion with Brent (after that he had consulted with 

the towne on < \ 

fire - his Cabinett Councell) he in the most barbarous I 

manner converts the weoll towne into flames, cin- 
ders aud ashes, not so much as spareing the church,; 
and the first that ever was in Verginia. 

Haveing performed this flagitious, and sacralidg-j 
ious action (which put the worst of Sperits into a 



Bacons Proseedings. 55 

horid consternation, ^t so inhumane a fact) he 
marches his men to the Greene spring (the Gov- 
ernours howse soe named) where having stade 
(feasting his armye at the Governours cost) two or 
3 days, till he was informed of Sir Williams motion, 
he wafts his soulders over the River at Tindells?°|; s ^™[ er< 
point into Glocester county : takeing up his head 
quarters at Collonell Warners ; from whence hee 
sends out his mandates, through the wholl county, 
to give him a meeting at the Court House ; there 
to take the ingagement, that was first promoted at 
the Midle Plantation : for as yet, in this county, it 
was not admitted. While he was seduously contriv- 
ing this affaire, one Capt. Potter arives in post haste 
from Rapahanock, with newes that Coll : Brent was 
advancing fast upon him (with a resolution to fight 
him) at the head of 1000 men, what horse what 
foote, if he durst stay the commencement. Hee 
had no sooner red the letter, but hee commands the 
drums to beate for the gathering his soulders un- 
der their collours ; which being don hee acquaints 
them with Brents numbers and resolutions to fight, 
and then demands theirs ; which was cheerfully an-fowedt^ 
swered in the affirmative, with showtes and accle- fight Brent ~ 
mations, while the drums thunders a march to meet 
the promised conflict . The soulders with abundance 
of cheerfullness disburthening themselves of all im- 
pediments to expedition, order, and good discipling, 
excepting their oathes, and wenches. 

Bacon had not marched above 2 or 3 days jurriey 
(and those but short ones too, as being loth to tire 
his laberours before they came to their worke) but 
he meets newes in post hast, that Brents men (not ForlakeS. 
soulders) were all run away, and left him to shift for 
himselfe. For they haveing heard that Bacon had 
beate the Governour out of the towne they began 
to be afeard (if they should com within his reach) 
that he might beat them out of their lives, and so 
resolved not to come nere him. Collonell Brent 
was mightily astonished at the departure of his fol- 
lowers, saying that they had forsaken the stowtest 



56 Bacons Proseedings. 

man, and ruin'd the fairest estate in Verginia; 
which was by their cowerdize, or disaffections, ex- 
posed to the mercy of the Baconians. But they 
being (as they thought) more obliged to looke after 
their owne concernes and lives, then to take notis, 
eather of his vallour, or estate, or of their owne 
credits, were not to be rought upon by any thing 
that he could do or say ; contrary to their own 
fancies. 

This business of Brents haveing (like the hoggs 
the devill sheard) produced more noyse than wooll, 
Bacon, according to summons, meets the Gloster 
men at the Court howse : where appeared som 6 or 
7 hundred horss and foot, with their arms. After 
that Bacon, in a long Harange, had tendered them 
the ingagement (which as yet they had not taken, 
tendered to an d now was tne on ty cause of this convention) one 
theater jy[ r Q \ e ff ere( j tne sence of all the Gloster men 
there present : which was sum'd up in their desires, 
not to have the oath imposed upon them, but to be 
indulged the benefitt of Neutralitie : But this he 
would not grant, telling of them that in this their 
request they appear'd like the worst of sinners, who 
had a desire to be saved with the righteous, and yet, 
would do nothing whereby they might obtaine there 
salvation ; and so offering to go away, one Coll : 
Gouge (of his party) calls to him and told him, 
that he had onely spoke to the Horss (meaning the 
Troopers) and not to the foote. Bacon, in som 
passion, replide, he had spoke to the Men, and not 
to the Horss ; having left that servis for him to do, 
because one beast best would understand the meane- 
ing of another. And because a minister, one Mr. 
? minister 11 *' Wading, did not onely refuse to take the Ingage- 
impr.son' . jj^j^ b ut jncouraged others to make him their ex- 
ample, Bacon committed him to the Gard ; telling 
off him that it was his place to preach in the church, 
not in the camp : In the first he might say what 
he pleased, but in the last, he was to say no more 
than what should please him ; unless he could fight 
to better purpose then he could preach. 



Bacons Proseedings. 57 

The Gloster men having taken the ingagement, 
(which they did not till another meeteing, and in 
another place) and all the worke don on this side 
the Western shore, Bacon thought it not amiss, but 
worth his labour, to go and see how the Accomack- 
ians did. It must be confest that he was a Gent : 
man of a liberall education, and so consequently 
must be replenish'd with good manners, which in- 
ables, and obligeth all civell persons both to remem- 
ber, and repay receved curtec.es : which made him 
not to forget those kindnesses the AccomackiansSjnest d o e " g o 
bestowed, in his absence, on his friends, and their Sack? " 
neighbours, the Verginians : and so now he resolv- 
ed (since he had nothing ells to do) for to go and 
repay their kind hearted vissitt. But first he 
thought good to send them word of his good meane- 
ing, that they might not plead want of time, for 
want of knowledg, to provide a reception answera- 
ble to his quallety, and attendance. This was prit- 
ty faire play, but really the Accomackians did not 
halfe like it. They had rather his Honor would 
have had the patience to have stade till he had bin 
invited, and then he should have bin much more 
wellcom. But this must not hinder his jurney ; if 
nothing ells interveine they must be troubled, with 
a troublesom guest, as well as their neighbours 
had bin, for a grate while together, to their extre- 
ordnary charge, and utter undoeing. But their 
kinde, and very mercy full fate, to whom they, and 
their Posteritye, must ever remane indebted, ob- 
serveing their cares and feares, by an admireable, 
and ever to be cellibrated providence, removed the 
causes. For 

Bacon haveing for som time, bin beseiged by sick- 
ness, and now not able to hould out any longer ; 
all his strength, and provissions being spent, sur- 
rendered up that Fort, he was no longer able to 
keepe, into the hands of that grim and all conquer- SbeJ'ist. 
ing Captaine, Death ; after that he had implor'd 
the assistance of the above mentioned Minester, for 
the well makeing his Articles of Rendition. The 

M 



53 Bacons Proseedings. 

onely Religious duty (as they say) he was observ'd 
to perform dureing these Intregues of affaires, in 
which he was so considerable an actor, and soe 
much consearn'd, that rather then he would decline 
the cause, he became so deeply ingaged in the first 
rise thereof, though much urged by arguments of 
dehortations, by his nearest relations and best 
friends, that he subjected himselfe to all those in- 
convenences that, singly, might bring a man of a 
more Robust frame to his last horn. After he was 
dead he was bemoaned in these following lines 
(drawne by the man that waited upon his person, 
as it is said) and who attended his corps to their 
Buriall place : But where depossited till the Gen- 
eral! day, not knowne, only to those who are resso- 
lutely silent in that particular. There was many 
coppes of verces made after his departure, calcu- 
lated to the Lattitude of their affections who com- 
posed them ; as a rellish taken from both appetites 
I have here sent you a cuple. 



Bacons Epitaph, made by his Man. 

Death why soe crewill ! what no other way 
To manifest thy spllene, but thus to slay 
Our hopes of safety ; liberty, our all 
Which, through thy tyrany, with him must fall 
To its late caoss ? Had thy rigid force 
Bin delt by retale, and not thus in gross 
Grief had bin silent : Now wee must complaine 
Since thou, in him, hast more then thousand slane 
Whose lives and safetys did so much depend 
On him there lif, with him their lives must end. 

If 't be a sin to think Death brib'd can bee 
Wee must be guilty ; say twas bribery 
Guided the fatall shaft. Verginias foes 
To whom for secret crimes just vengeance owes 
Disarved plagues, dreding their just disart 
Corrupted Death by Parascellcian art 
Him to destroy ; whose well tried curage such, 
There heartless harts, nor arms, nor strength could 
touch 

Who now must heale those wounds, or stop that blood 
The Heathen made, and drew into a flood ? 



Bacons Epitaph. 59 

Who i'st must pleade our Cause ? nor Trump nor Drum 

Nor Deputations ; these alass are dumb. 

And Cannot speake. Our Arms (though near so strong) 

Will want the aide of his Commanding tongue, 

Which couquer'd more than Ceaser : He orethrew 

Onelv the outward frame ; this could subdue 

The ruged workes of nature. Soules repleate 

With dull Child could, he'd annemate with heate 

Drawne forth of reasons Lymbick. In a word 

Marss and Minerva, both in him Concurd 

For arts, for arms, whose pen and sword alike 

As Catos did, may admireation strike 

Into his foes ; while they confess with all 

It was their guilt stil'd him a Criminall. 

Onely this differance does from truth proceed 

They in the guilt, he in the name must bleed. 

While none shall dare his obseques to sing 

In desarv'd measures ; untill time shall bring 

Truth Crown'd with freedom, and from danger free 

To sound his praises to posterity. 

Here let him rest ; while wee this truth report 
Hee's gone from hence unto a higher Court 
To pleade his Cause where he by this doth know 
Whether to Ceaser hee was friend, or foe. 



Upon the Death of G. B. 

Whether to Ceaser he was Friend or Foe ? 
Pox take such Ignorance, do you not know ? 
Can he be friend to Ceaser, that shall bring 
The Arms of Hell to fight against the King ? 
(Treason, Rebellion) then what reason have 
Wee for to waite upon him to his Grave, 
There to express our passions ? Wilt not bee 
Worse then his crimes, to sing his Ellegie 
In well tun'd numbers ; where each Ella beares 
(To his Flagitious name) a flood of teares ? 
A name that hath more soules with sorrow fed, 
Then reched Niobe, single teares ere shed ; 
A name that fil'd all hearts, all cares, with paine, 
Untill blest fate proclamed, Death had him slane. 
Then how can it be counted for a sin 
Though Death (nay though myselfe) had bribed bin ? 
To guide the fatall shaft ? we honour all 
That lends a hand unto a Trators fall. 
What though the well paide Rochit soundly ply 
And box the Pulpitt, into flattery ; 



60 Bacons Proseedings. 

Urging his Rethorick, and strained elloquence, 
T' adome incoffin'd filth and excrements ; 
Though the Defunct (like ours) nere tride 
A well intended deed untill he dide ? 
'Twill be nor sin, nor shame, for us, to say 
A two fould Passion checker workes this day 
Of Joy and sorrow ; yet the last doth move 
On feete impotent, wanting strength to prove 
(Nor can the art of Logick yield reliefe) 
How joy should be surmounted, by our greafe. 
Yet that wee Greave it cannot be denide, 
But 'tis because he was, not cause he dide. 
So wep the poore distressed, Ilium Dames 
Hereing those nam'd their Citty put in flames, 
And countrey ruin'd ; If we thus lament 
It is against our present loyes consent. 
For if the rule in Physic, trew doth prove, 
Remove the cause, th' effects will after move, 
We have outliv'd our sorows ; since we see 
The causes shifting of our miserey. 

Nor is't a single cause, that's slipt away, 
That made us warble out, a well-a-day. 
The Branes to plot, the hands to execute 
Projected ills, Death loyntly did nonsute 
At his black Bar. And what no Baile could save 
He hath committed Prissoner to the Grave ; 
From whence there's no repreive. Death keep him close 
We have too many Dwells still goe loose. 



The lion had no sooner made his exitt, but the 
ape (by indubitable right) steps upon the stage. 
Bacon was no sooner removed by the hand of good 
providence, but another steps in, by the wheele of 
fickle fortune. The countrey had, for some time, 
been guided by a company of knaves, now it was 
to try how it would behave itselfe under a foole. 
Bacon had not long been dead, (though it was a long 
time before som would beleive that he was dead) 
tS^pBa-but one Ingram (or Isgrum, which you will) takes 
ZiSiT" up Bacons Commission (or ells by the patterne of 
that cuts him out a new one) and as though he had 
bin his natureall heire, or that Bacons Commission 
had bin granted not onely to himselfe but to his 
Executors, Administrators and Assignes, he (in the 



ProcIam«d 
Generall. 



Ingrams Proseedings. 61 

millitary Court) takes out a Probit of Bacons will 
and proclames himselfe his successor. 

This Ingram, when that he came first into the 
countrey, had got upon his back the title of an 
Esquire, but how he came by it may pussell all the 
Heralds in England to finde out, until he informs 
them of his right name : however, by the helpe of 
this (and his fine capering, for it is saide that he 
could dance well upon a Rope) he caper'd himselfe 
into a fine (though short liv'd) estate : by marying 
here, with a rich widow, vallued at some hundreds 
of pounds. 

The first thing that this f\ne fellow did, after that 
he was mounted upon the back of his commission, 
was to spur or switch, those who were to pay obe- 
dience unto his Authorety, by geting himselfe pro- 
claimed Generall of all the forces now raised, or 
hereafter to be raised, in Verginia : Which, while 
it was performing at the head of the armye, the 
milkesop stood with his hat in his hand, lookeing 
as demurely as the grate Turks Muftie, at the reade- 
ing of sorn holy sentance, extracted forth of the 
Alchron. The Bell-man haveing don, he put on his 
hat, and his Jannesarys threw up their caps ; crying 
out as loud as they could bellow, God save our new 
Generall, hopeing, no doubt, but he, in imitation of 
the grate Suitable, at his election, would have in- 
larged their pay, or ells have given them leave to 
have made lewes of the best Christians in the 
Countrey : but he being more than halfe a lew 
himselfe, at present forbad all plunderings, but such 
as he himselfe should be parsonally at. 

It was not long before the Governour (still at Ac- 
comack) had intimation of Bacons death. He had 
a long time bin shut up in the Ark (as we may say) 
and now thought good to send out a winged mes- 
singer to see, if happily, the Delluge was any whit 
abated ; and whether any dry ground emerg'd its 
head, on which, with safety, he might sett his foot, 
without danger of being wetshod in blood, which 
accordingly he effected, under the command of one 



62 



Ingrams Proseedings. 



Beverly 

takes 
Hansford. 



Hansford 
Executed. 



Major Beverly : a parson calculated to the Latitude 
of the servis, which required descretion, curage, 
and celerity, as qualetys wholly subservient to milli- 
tary affaires : And allthough he returned not with 
an Olive branch in his mouth, the Hyrogliph of 
peace, yet he went back with the laurell upon his 
browes, the emblim of conquest and triumph, have- 
ing snapt up one Coll : Hansford, and his party, 
who kep garde, at the Howse where Coll : Reade 
did once live. It is saide that Hansford, at (or a 
litle before) the onslant, had forsaken the capitole 
of Marss, to pay his oblations in the temple of Ve- 
nus ; which made him the easere preay to his eni- 
mies ; but this I have onely upon report, and must 
not aver it upon my historicall reputation : But if 
it was soe, it was the last sacryfize he ever after 
offered at the shrine of that Luxurious Diety, for 
presently after that he came to Accomack, he had 
the ill luck to be the first Verginian borne that dyed 
upon a paire of Gallows. When that he came to 
the place of Execution (w 7 hich was about a mile re- 
moved from his prison) he seemed very well resolved 
to undergo the utmost mallize of his not over kinde 
Destinies, onely complaineing of the maner of his 
death. Bein°; observed neather at the time of his 
tryall (which was by a Court Martiall) nor after- 
wards, to supplicate any other faviour, than that he 
might be shot like a soulder, and not to be hang'd 
like a Dog. But it was tould him, that what he so 
passionately petitioned for could not be granted, in 
that he was not condemned as he was merely a 
soulder, but as a Rebell, taken in Arms, against the 
king, whose laws had ordained him that death. 
During the short time he had to live, after his sen- 
tence, he approved to his best advantage for the 
wellfare of his soule, by repentance and contrition 
for all his sins, in generall, excepting his Rebellion, 
which he would not acknowledge ; desireing the 
people at the place of execution, to take notis that 
he dyed a loyal subject, and a lover of his coun- 
trey ; and that he had never taken up arms, but for 



Ingrams Proseedings. 65 

the destruction of the Indians, who had murthered 
so many Christians. 

The business being so well accomplished by those 
who had taken Hansford, did so raise their spirits, 
that they had no sooner delivered their fraight, at 
Accomack, but they hoyse up their sailes, and back 
againe to Yorke River, where with a marvellous ce- 
lerity they surprise one Major Cheise-Man, and som anlwXrf 
others, amongst whom one Capt. Wilford, who (it Be k v e eriy^ 
is saide) in the bickering lost one of his eyes, which 
he seem'd little concerned at, as knowing, that when 
he came to Accomack, that though he had bin 
starte blinde, yet the Governour would take care for 
to afford him a guide, that should show him the 
way to the gallows. Since he had promised him a 
hanging, long before, as being one of those that 
went out with Bacon, in his first expedition against 
the Indians, without a commission. 

This Capt. Wilford, though he was but a litle 
man, yet he had a grate heart, and was knowne to 
be no coward. He had for some yeares bin an in- 
terpreter betwene the English and the Indians, in 
whose affaires he was well aquainted, which rendred 
him the more acceptable to Bacon, who made use 
of him all along in his Indian war. By birth he 
was the second son of a knight, who had lost his 
life and estate in the late kings quarill, against the 
surnamed long Parliament, which forst him to Ver- 
ginia (the onely citty of refuge left in his Majes- 
ties dominions, in those times, for distressed Cav- 
aliers) to seeke his fortunes, which through his 
industrey began to be considerable, if the kindness 
of his fate had bin more perminent, and not des- 
tin'd his life to so reched a death. Major Cheis- 
man, before he came to his tryall, dyed in prison, d/eftn man 
of feare, of griefe, or bad useage, for all these are prlsoru 
reported ; and so by one death prevented another 
more dreadfull to flesh and blood. 

There is one remarkable passage reported of this 
Major Cheismans Lady, which because it sounds to 
the honour of her sex, and consequently of all loveing 
Wives, I will not deny it a roome in this Narrative. 



64 Ingrams Proseedings. 

When that the Major was brought into the Gov- 
mans?rate Se ' eril0Ur s presence, and by him demanded, what made 
her Sand" n i m to ingage in Bacons designes ? Before that the 
Major could frame an Answer to the Governours 
demand ; his Wife steps in and tould his honour 
that it was her provocations that made her husband 
jojne in the cause that Bacon contended for ; ading, 
that if he had not bin influenced by her instigations, 
he had never don that which he had done. There- 
fore (upon her bended knees) she desired of his 
honour, that since what her husband had don, was 
akindewife by her meanes, and so, by consequence, she most 
guilty, that she might be hanged, and he pardoned. 
Though the Governour did know, that what she had 
saide, was neare to the truth, yet he saide litle to 
her request, onely telling of her that she was a 

W . But his honour was angrey, and therefore 

this expression must be interprited the efects of his 
passion, not his meaneing: For it is to be under- 
stood in reason, that there is not any woman, who 
hath so small affection, for her Husband, as to dis- 
honour him by her dishonisty, and yet retaine such a 
degree of love, that rather then he should be hang'd ? 
she will be content to submit her owne life to the 
sentance, to keep her husband from the gallows. 
Capt. Carver and Capt. Farlow was now (or 
exe P cuS l0W about this time) executed, as is before hinted. 
Farlow was related to Cheisman, as he had maried 
Farlows neice. When that he went first into the 
servis (which was presently after that Bacon had re- 
ceved his commission) he was chosen commander 
of those recrutes sent out of Yorke County, to make 
up Bacons numbers, according to the gage of his 
commission, limited for the Indian servis ; and by 
Sir William (or some one of the Councell) recom- 
mended to Bacon, as a fitt parson to be commander 
of the saide party. These terms, by which he be- 
came engaged, under Becons commands, he urged 
in his pley, at his triall : ading, that if he had, in 
what he had don, deny'd the Generalls orders, it 
was in his power to hang him, by the judgment of 



lngrams Proseedings 65 

a Court Martiall; and that he had acted nothing but 
in obedience to the Generalls Authority. But it 
was repJide against him, that he was put under 
Bacons command for the servis of the Countrey, 
against the Indians, which employ he ought to have 
kep to> and not to have acted beyond his bounds, as 
he had done : And since he went into the Army un- 
der theGovernours orders, he was required to search 
the same, and see if he could find one that Com- 
missionated him to take up Arms in opposition to 
the Governours Authority and parson: Neather had 
Bacon any other power, by his commission (had the 
same bin ever so legally obtained) but only to make 
war upon the Indians. Farlow rejoyned, that Ba- 
con was, by his commission, to see that the Kings 
peace was kep, and to suppress those that should 
endeavour to Perturbe the same. It was replyed, 
this might be granted him, and he might make his 
advantage of it, but was required to consider, 
whether the Kings peace was to be kep in resisting 
the Kings emediate Governour, so as to levy a war 
against him ; and so commanded him to be silent 
while his sentence was pronounced. This man was 
much pittied by those who were acquainted with 
him, as one of a peaceable disposition, and a good 
scholer, which one might think should have ena- 
bled him to have taken a better estimate of his im- 
ployment, as he was acquainted with the Mathumat- 
icks: But it seems the Asstrolabe, or Quadrant, 
are not the fittest instruments to take the altitude 
of a subjects duty ; the same being better demon- 
strated by practicall, not speculative observations. 

Tbe nimble, and timely servis, performed by 
Major Beverly (before mentioned) having opened 
the way, in some measure, the Governour once 
more salleyeth out for the Westerne shore, there to 
make tryall of his better fortune; which now be- sirW re 
gan to cast a more favourable aspect upon him and ™ r V k S rl l ; er 
his affaires; by removeing the marine obstacles out 
of the way, by a death, eather natureall, or violent, 
(the one the ordnary, the other the extraordinary 

N 



66 Ingrams Proseedings. 

workings of Providence) which had with such per- 
tinances, and violent perstringes, oposed his most 
auspicious proseedings. The last time he came, 
he made choyce of lames River ; now he was re- 
solved to set up his rest in Yorke, as haveing the 
nearest vicinity to Gloster County (the River onely 
interposeing betwene it and Yorke) in which though 
the enemie was the strongest (as desireing to make 
it the seate of the Warr in regard of several local! 
conveniences) yet in it he knew that his friends 
was not the weakest, whether wee respect number, 
or furniture. It is trew they had taken the ingage- 
ment (as the rest had) to Bacon; but he being dead 
and the ingagement being only personall, was lade 
in the grave with him, for it was not made to him- 
selfe, his heirs, executors, administrater, and as- 
signes ; if other ways it might have bin indued 
with a kind of immortality ; unless the sword, or 
juster (or grater) power might happen to wound it 
to death. But, however, Bacon being dead, and 
with him his Commission, all those, who had taken 
the ingagement, were now at liberty to go and 
chuse themselves another master. 

But though his honour knew that though they 
were discharged from the binding power of the 
oath, yet they were not free from the commanding 
power of those men that was still in Arms, in per- 
suance of those ends for which the ingagement 
was pretended to be taken : And that before this 
could be efected, those men must first be beaten 
from their arms, before the other could get their 
heeles at liberty, to do him any servis. Therefore 
he began to cast about how he might remove those 
blocks which stoode in the Gloster mens way : 
which being once don, it must take away all Pre- 
tences, and leave them without all excuse, if they 
should offer to sit still, when he, and his good prov- 
idence together, had not onely knock'd off their 
shackles, but eather imprisson'd their Iaylers, or 
tide them up to the gallows. 



Ingrams Proceedings. 67 



had, at his 
coming to 



He had with him now in Yorke River 4 shipps ^ e w[fi ngth 
besides 2 or S sloops. Three of the ships he brought; 
with him from Accomack ; the other (a marchant- Yorke * 
man, as the rest were) was som time before arrived 
out of England, and in these about 150 men, at his 
emediate command ; and no more he had when he 
came into Yorke River : Where being setled in 
consultation with his friends, for the manageing of 
his affaires, to the best advantage ; he was informed 
that there was a party of the Baconians (for so they 
were still denominated, on that side, for destinction 
sake) that had setled themselves in their winter 
quarters, at the howse of one Mr. Howards, in 
Gloster county. 

For to keepe these Vermin from breeding, in 
their warm kenill, he thought good, in time, for to 
get them ferited out. For the accomplishment of 
which peice of servis, he very secretly despatcheth 
away a select number under the conduct of Major JSSS y cSE 
Beverly, who very nimbly performed the same, Sen 11 
having the good fortune (as it is saide) to catche 
them all asleepe. And least the good man of the 
howse should forgett this good servis, that Beverly 
had don him, in removeing his (to him) chargable 
guest, with these sleepers, he conveyes a good 
quantety of their landlords goods aborde : the Ba- 
conians (where of one a Lieft. Collonell) to remane 
prissoners, and the goods to be divided amongst 
those whose servis had made them such, according 
to the Law of Arms ; which Howard will have to 
be the Law of HARMS, by placeing the first letter 
of his name before the vowill A. 

But in ernist (and to leave jesting) Howard did 
really think it hard measure, to see that go out of 
his store, by the sword, which he intended to deliver 
out by the Ell, or yard. Neather could his wife 
halfe like the markitt ; when she saw the Chapmen 
carey her Daughters Husband away Prissoner, and 
her owne fine clothes goeing into captivity ; to be 
sould by match and pin ; and after worne by those 
who (before these times) was not worth a point ; 



68 Ingrams Proseedings. 

yet it is thought, that the ould Gent : woman, was 
not so much concern'd that her Son in Law was 
made a prissoner, as her Daughter was vext, to see 
they had not left one man upon the Plantation, to 
comfort, neather herself nor mother. 
menSffor This Block (and no less was the commander of 
s * w ' the fore mention'd sleepers) being removed out of 
the way, the Gloster men began to stirabrode : not 
provoked thereto out of any hopes of getting, but 
through a feare of loseing. They did plainly per- 
ceve that if they themselves did not goe to worke, 
somebody ells would, while they (for their negle- 
gence) might be compeld to pay them their wages ; 
and what that might come to they could not tell, 
since it was probable, in such servises, the Laber- 
ours would be their own carvers ; and it is com- 
monly knowne, that soulders make no conscience 
to take more then their due. 

The work that was now T to be don, in these parts 
what soui- (and further I cannot go for want of a guide) was 
dermal west cut out - nt0 severa ]| parcells, according as the 

Baconians had devided the same. And first at 
Wests Point (an Isthmos which gives the denomi- 
nation to the two Rivers, Pomankey and Mattapo- 
ny (Indian names) that branch forth of York River, 
som 30 miles above Tindells point) there was plant- 
ed a garde of about 200 soulders. This place Ba- 
con had designed to make his prime Randevouze, 
or place of Retreat, in respect of severall locall con- 
venencis,this place admited off, and which hee found 
fitt for his purpose^ for sundry reasons. Here it was r 
I thinke, that Ingram did chiefly reside, and from 
whence he drew his recruits, of men and munition. 
The next Parcell, considerable, was at Green-spring 
(the Governours howse) into which was put about 
100 men and boys, under the command of one Capt. 
^prh[g. ene Drew ; who was ressolutely bent (as he said) to keep 
the place in spite of all oppossition, and that he 
might the better keepe his promise he caused all the 
Avenues, and approaches to the same, to be baraca- 
jdo'd up, and 3 great guns planted to beate of the 



ingrams Proseedings. 69 

Assalents. A third parcell (of about 30 or 40) was 
put into the hovvse of Collonell Nath. Bacons (a* 1 ,™ 1 Ba_ 
gent : man related to him deceased, but not of his 
principles under the command of one Major Whaly, 
a stout ignorant fellow (as most of the rest) as may 
be seene hereafter; these were the most consider- 
abiest parteys that the Gloster men were to deal 
with, and which they had promised to reduce to obe- 
diance, or other ways to beate them out of their 
lives, as som of them (perhaps not well aquainted 
with millitary affairs, or too well conseated of there 
owne vallour) bosted to doe. 

The Parson that, by commission, was to perform 
this worke, was one Major Lawrence Smith (and 
for this servis so entitled, as it is said) a gent : man 
that in his time had hued out many a knotty peice 
of worke, and soe the better knew how to handle 
such ruged fellowes as the Baconians were famed 
to be. 

The place for him to congregate his men at (I say 
congregate, as a word not improper, since his second 
in dignity, was a Minester, who had lade downe the 
Miter and taken up the Helmett) was one Major 
Pates (in whose howse Bacon had surrendered up 
both life and commission; the one to him that gave 
it, the other to him that toke it) where there apear- 
ed men enough to have beaten all the Rebells in 
the countrey, onely with their Axes and Hoes, had 
they bin led on by a good overseer. 

I have eather heard, or have read, That a com- 
pleate Gcnerall ought to be owner of these 3 indu- 
ments : Wisdom to foresee, Experience to chuse, 
and Curage to execute. He that wants the 2 last, The proper- 
can never have the first ; since a wise Man will ne- general . g00d 
ver undertake more then he is able to perform ; He 
that hath the 2 first, wanting the last, makes but a 
lame commander ; since Curage is an inseperable 
Adjunct to the bare name of a soulder, much more 
to a Generall: He that wants the second, haveing 
the first and the last, is no less imperfict than the 
•other ; since without experience, wisdom and cur- 



Walklett 
sent to sup 
press it. 



ter Walklett. 



70 Ingrams Proseedings. 

age (like young Docters) do but grope in the darke, 
or strike by gess. 

Much about the time that the Gloster men mus- 
tered at M. Pates, there was a riseing in Midlesex, 
upon the same account : Who were no sooner gott 

MidS! n upon their feet, but the Baconians resolves to bring 
them on their knees. For the efecting of which 
Ingram speeds away one Walklett) his Lieft. Gener- 
all, (a man much like the master) with a party of 

marchesaf- Horss, to do the worke. M. L- Smith was quick- 
ly inform'd upon what arend Walklett was sent, and 
so, with a generous ressolution, resolves to be at his 
heeles, if not before hand with him, to helpe his 
friends in their distress. And because he would 
not altogether trust to others, in affaires of this na- 
ture, he advanceth at the head of his owne Troops, 
(what Horss what Foote for number, is not in my 
intillegence) leaveing the rest for to fortify Major 
Pates howse, and so speeds after Walklett who, be- 
fore Smith could reach the required distance, had 
performed his worke, with litle labour, and (hereing 
of Smiths advance) was prepareing to give him a 
Reception answerable to his designements : sware- 
ing to fight him though Smith should out number 
him cent per cent ; and was not this a dareing res- 
solution of a Boy that hardly ever saw a sword, but 
in a scaberd ? 

In the meane time that this buisnesswas a doeing, 

SfSSS 8 " Ingram understanding upon what designe M. L. 

Pa e tesf tM ' Smith was gon about, by the advice of his officers 
strikes in betwene him and his new made (and new 
mand) Garisson at M. Pates. He very nimbly in- 
vests the Howse, and then summons the soulders 
(then under the command of the fore said minester) 
to a speedy rendition, or otherways to stand out to 
mercy, at their utmost perill. After som toos and 
froes about the business (quite beyond his text) the 
minester accepts of such Articles, for a surrender, 
as pleased Ingram, and his Mermidons, to grant. 

Ingram had no sooner don this jobb of jurney 
worke (of which he was not a litle proud) but M. 



Ingrams Proseedings. 71 



L. Smith (haveing retracted his march out of-Mid-StAtSS* 
lesex, as thinkeing it little less than a disparage- w"S*° m 
ment to have any thing to doe with Walklett) was 
upon the back of Ingram, before he was aware, and 
at which he w 7 as not a little daunted, feareing that 
he had beate Walklett to pieces in Midlesex. But 
he perceveing that the Gloster men did not weare 
(in their faces) the countinances of conquerers, nor 
their cloathes the marks of any late ingagemcnt 
(being free from the honourable staines of Wounds 
and Gun shott) he began to hope the best, and the 
Gloster men to feare the worst ; and what the pro- 
perties of feare is, let Feltham tell you, who saith, 
That if curage be a good oriter, feare is a bad coun- 
celler, and a worse Ingineare. For instead of erect- 
ing, it beates and batters downe all Bullworks of 
defence : perswadeing the feeble hart that there is 
no safety in armed Troops, Iron gates, nor Stone 
walls. In oppossition of which Passion I will ap- 
pose the Properties of it's Antithesis, and say, That 
as som men are never valient but in the midst of 
discourse, so others never manifest their curage but 
in the midst of danger : Never more alive then 
when in the jawes of Death crowded up in the 
midst of fire, smoke, swords and guns ; and then 
not so much laying about them through desparation, 
or to save their lives, as through a Generossety of 
Spirit, to trample upon the lives of their enimies. 
For the saveing of Pouder and Shott (or rather 
through the before mentioned Generossety of Cur-JJSchaufto 
age) one Major Bristow (on Smiths side) made a Ingram - 
Motion to try the equity, and justness of the quaril, 
by single combett : Bristow proffering himselfe 
against any one (being a Gent.) on the other side ; 
this was noble, and like a soulder. This motion 
(or rather challenge) was as redely accepted by In- 
gram, as proffered by Bristow ; Ingram swareing, 
the newest oath in fashion, that he would be the 
Man ; and so advanceth on foot, with sword and 
Pistell, against Bristow ; but was fetch'd back by 
his owne men, as douteing the justness of their 



72 Ingrams Proseedings. 

cause, or in consideration of the desparety that was 
betwene the two Antagonists. For though it 
might be granted, that in a private condition, Bris- 
tow was the better man, yet now it was not to be 
alowed, as Ingram was entitled. 

This buisness not fadging, betwene the two cham- 
pions, the Gloster men began to entertaine strange, 
and new Ressolutions, quite Retirogade to their 
pretentions, and what was by all good men expected 
from the promiseing asspects of this there League- 
ing against a usurping power. It is saide that a 
good cause and a good Deputation, is a lawfull Au- 
thorety for any man to fight by ; yet neather of 
these, joyntly nor severally y hath a coercive power, 
to make a man a good soulder : If he wants Curage, 
though he is enlisted under both, yet he is not starl- 
ing quoyne : he is at best but Coper, stampt with 
The cioster the Kin<*s impress, and will pass for no more then 

men submit . . O I » r 

toingram. his just vallew. As to a good cause, doutless, they 
had satisfied themselves as to that, ells what were 
they at this time a contending for, and for whom? 
And as for a good Deputation, if they wanted that, 
wherefore did they so miserably befoole themselves^ 
as to run into the mouths of their enimies, and there 
to stand still like a company of sheep, with the knife 
at their throtes, and never so much as offer to Bleat; 
for the saving of their lives, liberties, estates, and 
what to truly vallient men is of greater vallew then 
these, their creditts? all which now lay at the 
mercy of their enimies, by a tame surrender of 
their Arms and Parsons into the hands of Ingram 
(without strikeing one stroke) who haveing made 
all the cheife men prisoners (excepting those who 
first run away) he dismist the rest to there owne 
abodes, there to sum up the number of those that 
wero eather slane or wounded, in this servis. 
Much about this time, of the Gloster buisness, 
Farruiat- n * s non - sen ds abrode a party of men, from off 
gJJJJfit aboarde, under the command of one Hubert Far- 
whaiy's "M> t0 fferitt out a company of the Rebells, who 
command. fc e p Q ar( j at c u # Bacons, under the power of Major 



Ingrams Proseedings. 73 

Whaly, before mentioned. Coll. Bacon himselfe, and 
one Coll : Ludwell, came along with Farrill, to see 
to the management of the enterprise ; about which 
they tooke all possible care, that it might prove for- 
tunate. For they had so sooner resolved upon the 
onsett, but they consult on the manner, which was 
to be effected by a Generossety paralell with the 
designe ; which required Curage, and expedition : 
and so concludes not to answer the Centreys by fire- 
ing ; but to take, kill, or drive them up to their Ave- 
nues, and then to enter pell mell with them into the 
howse : this method was good had it bin as well 
executed, as contrived. But the Centrey had no 
sooner made the challinge, with his mouth, demand- 
ing who corns there ? but the other answer with 
their Musquits (which seldom speakes the language 
of friends) and that in so loud a maner, that it 
alaram'd those in the howse to a defence, and then in- 
to a posture to salley out. Which the other perceve- 
ing (contrary to their first orders) wheeles of from 
the danger, to find a place for their securytie, which 
they in part found, behinde som out buildings, and 
from whence they fired one upon the other, giveing 
the Bullits leave to grope their own way in the dark 
(for as yet it was not day) till the Generall was 
shot through his loynes ; and in his fate all the soul- 
ders (or the greater part) through their hearts, now 
sunke into their heels which they were now making 
use of instead of their hands, the better to save 
their jackits, of which they had bin certainely stript, 
had they come under their enimies fingers, who 
knowes better how to steale then fight, notwithstand- Farrillki,d 
ing this uneven cast of Fortunes mallize. Being a 
conflict, in which the losers have cause to repent, 
and the winers Faith to give God thanks ; unless 
with the same devotion Theives do when that they 
have stript honest men out of their mony. Here 
was none but their Generall kild, whose commission 
was found droping-wett with his owne blood, in his 
pockitt ; and 3 or 4 taken prisoners ; what wounded 
not knowne, if any, in their backs ; as their enimies 
o 



74 Ingrams Proseedings. 

say ; who glory 'd more in their Conquest then ever 
Scanderbeg did, for the gratest victory he ever ob- 
tained against the Turkes. If Sir Williams cause 
were no better then his fortunes, hitherto, how many 
prosellites might his disasters bring over to the 
tother side ? but God forbid that the justice of all 
quarills should be estimated by their events. 

Yet here in this action (as well as som other be- 
fore) who can chuse but deplore the strange fate 
that the Governour was subjected to, in the evill 
choyce of his cheife-commanders, for the leadeing 
on his millitary transactions ; that when his cause 
should com to a day of heareing, they should want 
curage to put in their pleay of defence, against their 
Adverssarys arguments ; and pittyfully to stand still 
and see themselves nonsuted, in every sneakeing 
adventure, or Action, that cal'd upon their Gener- 
ossety, (if they had had any) to vindicate their in- 
dubitable pretences against a usurped power. 

It is trew Whaly's condition was desperate, and 
hee was resolved that his Curage should be confor- 
mable and as desperate as his condition. He did 
not want intilligence how Hansford, and som others, 
was sarved at Accomack ; which made him thinke 
it a grate deale better to dye like a man, then to be 
hang'd like a Dogg ; if that his Fate would but 
give him the liberty of picking as well as he had 
taken the liberty of stealeing ; of which unsoulder- 
like quallety he was fowly guilty. But let Whalys 
condition be never so desperate, and that he was 
resolved to manage an oppossition against his Assa- 
lent according to his condition, yet those in the 
Howse with him stoode upon other terms, being 
two thirds (and the wholl exseeded not 40) prest in- 
to the servis, much against their will ; and had a 
grater antipethy against Whaly then they had any 
cause for to feare his fate, if he, and they too, had 
bin taken. As for that objection, that Farrill was 
not, at this time, fully cured of those Wounds he 
receved in the salley at Towne, which in this action 



Ingrams Proseedings. 75 

proved detrimentall both to his strength and cur- 
age : Why then (if it was so) did he accept of this 
imploy (he haveing the liberty of refuseing) since 
none could be better aquainted with his owne con- 
dition (eather for strength or curage) better then 
himselfe ? Certainely in this particuler, Farrills fool- 
ish ostentation was not excuseable, nor Sir William 
without blame, to complye with his ambition, as he 
had no other parts to prove himselfe a soulder, then 
a haire brain'd ressolution to put himselfe forward 
in those affaires he had no more aquaintance with 
then what he had heard people talke off; For the 
falure of this enterprise (which must wholly be re- 
fer'd to the breach he made upon their sedulous de- 
terminations) which was (as is intimated before, to 
croude into the Howse with the Centrey) was not 
onely injurious to their owne party by letting slip so 
faire an occasion, to weaken the power of the eni- 
my, by removeing Whaly out of the way, who was 
esteemed the most considerablest parson on that 
side ; but it was anddid prove of bad consequence to 
the adjacent parts, where he kept gard: For where- 
as he before did onely take ame where he might do 
mischeife, he now did mischeife without takeing 
ame : before this unhapie conflict, he did levie at 
this, or that particuler onely, but now he shott at 
Rovers, let the same lite where it would he matter- 
ed not. 

Capt: Grantham had, now, bin som time in Yorke Jjjjj™ b 
River. A man unto whom Virginia is very much Gotham. 
beholden for his neate contrivance, in bringing In- 
gram (and som others) over to harken to reason. 
With Ingram he had som small aquaintance, for it 
was in his ship that he came to Verginia ; and so 
resolved to try if he might not doe that by words, 
which others could not accomplish with swords. 
Now allthough he knew that Ingram was the point, 
where all the lines of his contrivance were for to 
center, yet he could not tell, very well, how to ob- 
taine this point. For allthough he did know that 
Ingram, in his private condition, was accostable 



76 Ingrams Proseedings. 

enough ; yet since the Tit Mouse (by one of For- 
tunes figaryes) was becom an Elliphant, he did not 
know bnt that his pride, might be as immence as 
his power : since the Peacock (though bred upon 
a Dung-hill) is no less proud of his fine fethers then 
the princely Eagle is of his noble curage. What 
Arguments Grantham made use of, to ring the 
sword out of Ingrams hand, to me is not visible, 
more then what he tould me of; which I thinke was 
not Mercuri all enough, against an ordnary Sophes- 
ter. But to speake the truth it may be imagined 
that Grantham (at this time) could not bring more 
reasons to convince Ingram, then Ingram had in his 
owne head to convince himselfe ; and so did onely 
awate some favourable overtures (and such as Gran- 
tham might, it is possible, now make) to bring him 
over to the tother side. Neather could he appre- 
hend more reason in Granthams Arguments, then 
in his owne affaires, which now provok'd him to 
dismount from the back of that Horss which he 
wanted skill, and strength, to manidge ; especially 
there being som of his owne party, wateing an op- 
ertunity to toss him out of the saddle, of his new 
mounted honours ; and of whose designes he want- 
ed not som intilligince, in the countinances of his 
Mermidons ; who began for to looke a skew upon 
this, their Milk-sopp Generall ; who they judged 
fitter to dance upon a Rope, or in som of his wench- 
es lapps, then to caper, eather to Bellonies Bagpipe, 
or Marsses whiscle. 

But though Ingram was won upon, to turn hon- 
ist, in this thing (thanks to his necessitye, which 
made it an act of compultion, not a free will offer- 
ing) yet was the worke but halfe don, untill the 
soulders were wrought upon to follow his example. 
And though he himselfe, or any body ells, might 
command them to take up their Arms, when any 
miseheife was to be don : yet it was a question 
whether he, or any in the countrye, could command 
them to lay downe their Arms, for to efect or do 
any good. In such a case as this, where Authority 



Ingrams Proseedings. 11 

wants power, descretion must be made use of, as a 
vertue surmounting a brutish force. Grantham, 
though he had bin but a while in the countrey, and 
had seene but litle, as to mater of Action, yet he 
had heard a grate deale ; and so much that the name 
of Authority had but litle power to wring the sword 
out of these mad fellows hands, as he did perceve. 
And that there was more hopes to efect that by 
smoothe words, which was never likely to be ac- 
complish'd by rough deeds ; therefore he resolved 
to accoste them, as the Devil courted Eve, though 
to a better purpose, with never to be performed pro- 
mises : counting it no sin to Ludihcate those for 
their good, that had bin deceved by others to their 
hurt. He knew that men were to be treated as 
such, and children according to their childish dis- 
possitions : And allthough it was not with both these 
he was now to deale, yet he was to observe the sev- 
erall tempers of those he was to worke upon. 

What number of soulders was, at this time, in ^eSpSt 1 . 1 
Garrisson at West Point, I am not certane : It is 
saide about 250, sum'd up in freemen, sarvants and 
slaves ; these three ingredience being the compos- 
sition of Bacons Army, ever since that the Gover- 
nour left Towne. These was informed (to prepare 
the way) two or three days before that Grantham 
came to them, that there was a treaty on foote be- 
twene there Generall, and the Governour ; and that 
Grantham did manely promote the same, as he was 
a parson that favoured the cause, that they were 
contending for. 

When that Grantham arived, amongst these fine 
fellowes, he was receved with more then an ordnary 
respect ; which he haveing repade, with a suteable 
deportment, he aquaints them with his commission, 
which was to tell them, that there was a peace con- 
cluded betwene the Governour and their Generall ;£SSwe?t- 
and since himselfe had (in some measure) used his furrenS. 
indeviours, to bring the same to pass, hee begg'd of 
the Goverour, that he might have the honor to 
com and aquaint them with the terms ; which he 



78 Ingrams Proseedings. 

saide was such, that they had all cause to rejoyce at, 
then any ways to thinke hardly of the same ; there 
being a compleate satisfaction to be given (by the 
Articles of agreement) according to every ones par- 
ticuler intress ; which he sum'd up under these 
heads. And first, those that were now in Arms 
(and free men) under the Generall, were still to be 
retained in Arms, if they so pleased, against the In- 
dians. Secondly, and for those who had a desire 
for to return horn, to their owne abodes, care was 
taken for to have them satisfide, for the time they 
had bin out, according to the alowance made the 
last Assembley. And lastly, those that were sar- 
vants in Arms, and behaved themselves well, in their 
imployment, should emediately receve discharges 
from their Indentures, signed by the Governour, or 
Sequetary of State ; and their Masters to receve, 
from the publick, a valluable satisfaction, for every 
sarvant, so set free (marke the words) proportiona- 
ally to the time that they have to sarve. 

Upon these terms, the soulders forsake West- 
Point, and goe with Grantham to kiss the Govern- 
ours hands (still at Tindells point) and to receve the 
benifitt of the Articles, mentioned by Grantham ; 
where when they came (which was by water, them- 
selves in one vessill, and their Arms in another ; 
and so contrived by Grantham, as he tould me him- 
selfe, upon good reason) the sarvants and slaves was 
sent horn to their Masters, there to stay till the Gov- 
ernour had leasure to signe their discharges ; or to 
say better, till they were free according to the cus- 
tom of the countrey, the rest was made prissoners, 
or entertain'd by the Governour, as hee found them 
inclin'd. 

Of all the obstickles, that hath, hitherto, lane in 
the Governours way, there is not one (which hath 
falne within the verge of my intilligence) that hath 
s P r ri e n n g e se- bin removed by the sword ; excepting what was 
waiiiaS? performed under the conduct of Beverly : How this 
undertaken by Grantham, was effected, you have 
heard ; though badly (as the rest) by me sum'd up, 



Ingrams Proseedings. 79 

The next, that is taken notis of, is that at Greene 
Spring (before hinted) under the command of one 
Capt : Drew, formerly a miller (by profession) 
though now Dignifide with the title of a Capt : and 
made Governour of this Place by Bacon, as he was 
a parson formerly beholden unto Sir William ; and 
soe, by wav of requiteall, most likely to keepe him 
out of his owne Howse. This Whisker of Whor- 
ly-Giggs, perceveing (now) that there was more 
water coming downe upon his Mill, then the Dam 
would houlde, thought best in time, to fortify e the 
same, least all should be borne downe before he had 
taken his toule, Which haveing effected (makeing 
it the strongest place in the country what with grate 
and small Gunns) he stands upon his gard, and re- 
fuseth to surrender, but upon his owne terms ; which 
being granted, he secures the place till such time as 
Sir William should, in parson, com and take pos- 
session of the same : And was not this pritely, hon- 
estly, don, of a Miller. 

The gratest difficulty, now to be performed, was 
to remove Drummond and Larence out of the way. 
These two men was excepted out of the Govern- 
ours pardon, by his Proclamation of Iune last, and 
severall papers since, and for to dye without marcy, 
whenever taken : as they were the cheife Incendi- 

arys, and promoters to, and for Bacons Designes ; short career 

i i i 11 ii • r ° f Drum- 

ana by whose councells all transactions were, formondand 

the grater part, managed all along on that side. 
Drummond was formerly Goverour of Carolina, 
and allways esteemed a Parson of such induments, 
where wisdom and honisty, are contending for sup- 
riority ; which rendered him to be one of that sort 
of people, whose dementions are not to be taken, 
by the line of an ordnary capassety. Larence was 
late one of the Assembley, and Burgis for Towne, 
in which he was a liver. He was a Parson not 
meanely aquainted with such learning (besides his 
natureall parts that enables a man for the manage- 
ment of more then ordnary imployments which he 
subjected to an eclips, as well in the transactions of 



80 Ingrams Proseedings. 

the present affaires, as in the darke imbraces of a 
Blackamoore, his slave: And that in so fond a man- 
er, as though Venus was cheifly to be worshipped in 
the Image of a Negro : or that Buty consisted all 
together in the antiphety of Complections : to the 
noe meane scandle, and affrunt, of all the vottrisses 
in or about towne. 

When that West Point was surrendred, and 
Greene Spring secur'd, for the Governour, these 
?™u nd two Gen : was at the Brick-howse, in New-Kent : 
tffjiiid? a place situate allmost oppossitt to West Point, on 
New S Ke a nt. the South side of Yorke River, and not 2 miles re- 
moved from the said point, with some soulders un- 
der their command ; for to keepe the Governours Men 
from landing on that side ; he haveing a ship, at that 
time, at Ancor nere the place. They had made som 
attempts to have hindered Granthams designes (of 
which they had gained som intilligence) but their 
indeviours not fadging, they sent downe to Coll. 
Bacons to fetch of the Gard there, under the com- 
mand of Whaley, to reinforce their own strength. 

* CETERA DESUNT. 



Note. — This account of Bacon and Ingram's rebellion, collected from the 
histories of Virginia, is, that the country was very much disturbed by the In- 
dians about the year 1674 — 5. The several tribes upon the frontiers, were 
provoked by the decay of their trade, and by Sir William Berkley's attempt 
at discoveries, which they apprehended were intended to destroy them. 
Whenever they had an opportunity, they manifested their hatred and cruelty 
to the English. Many of the Virginians, worked up to a rage, demanded to 
be led against them, resolving, to extirpate all the nations of the Savages." 
The Governour, who was jealous of his prerogative, would not suffer them 
to judge when it was fit to make war. They had their meetings, and made 
complaints. But the Governour continued obstinate, and would not allow 
them to take up arms. Being provoked by this delay, they resolved to fight 
the Indians, and chose a General, who approved their zeal. This was Na- 
thaniel Bacon, Esq. a gentleman liberally bred in England, having studied 
sometime at the Temple. He was young, brave, handsome, active and elo- 
quent. His merit advanced him to a seat at the Council Board. Some of 
his own servants had been killed by the Indians, and when he found the 
people disposed for war, he blew the coals of the irresentment till they burst 
into aflame. 

Col. Bacon died in 1676. Sir William Berkeley two year? after. He 
was Governour of Virginia from the year 1640 to 1678. 



Account of fires in Massachusetts. 81 



Account of Fires in Boston, and other towns in Massachu- 
setts, in addition to those published in the Description of 
Boston in the 3d volume of the Collections of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society. 

[This addition reaches to the end of the eighteenth century. Col- 
lected by T. P.] 

Oct. 1, 1701. A Dwelling house and school house 
in Roxbury were consumed by fire. 

Oct. 23, 1704. At Shrewsbury-Bank, the Rev. Nehe- 
miah Rogers' house was burnt ; a child and negro perished 
in the flames. 

Jan. 30, 1710. A fire at this date in Charlestown con- 
sumed some houses. 

Oct. 14, 1714. Two houses in Boston destroyed by fire. 
N. B. the account from whence this is taken gives no 
particulars. 

Jan. 8, 1722. A fire broke out on the Long wharf in 
Boston. Three warehouses were consumed, and others 
damaged, and pulled down. The loss computed at 7,0001. 
current money. 

Feb. 20, 1722. An outhouse in Boston, belonging to 
Penn Townsend, Esq. was burnt. 

Feb. 23, 1722. Mr. John Checkley's house in Cornhill, 
opposite the townhouse in Boston, caught fire ; and though 
it threatened much, but little damage was sustained. 

Apr. 2, 1723. A fire in Boston early in the morning of 
this day at Mr. Powell's house, in Quaker lane, near the 
Friends' meeting house, which was consumed. A negro 
servant in the family confessed he sat it on fire, and suffer- 
ed death. 

In this month Mr. Cooke's buildings, the lower end of 
King street, Boston, took fire, and four or five tenements 
were consumed. 

July 14, 1723. At Watertown a fulling mill, a grist mill, 
and a dye house were burnt to the ground. 

Aug. 7, 1723. At Roxbury two houses were consum- 
ed, belonging to Capt. John Keyes. It was attended with 
peculiarly melancholly circumstances. In one of the 



82 Account of fires in Massachusetts, 

houses, five persons lost their lives, three of them Capt. 
Keyes' sons. 

Jan. 31. 1724. This morning a fire broke out in a ware- 
house on Clarke's wharf, the north part of Boston, which 
consumed the building, and damaged the rigging of several 
vessels in the docks near it. 

April 13, 1724. A fire in Mr. Bering's barn in Boston, 
in which much hay was destroyed. 

July 31, 1724. The Rev. Mr. Emerson's house in Mai- 
den was consumed, with the greatest part of his library and 
furniture. 

Aug. 12, 1724. At night, a fire at Oliver's Dock in 
Boston, consumed a building ; to stop its progress some 
other buildings near it were pulled down. The warehouse 
was the property of Col. Hatch. 

Feb. 14, 1726. About 12 o'clock at night, a fire broke 
out in Charlestown, not far from the meeting house, which 
destroyed two or three tenements. Divers persons Very 
narrowly escaped the violence of the flames. 

Feb. 2, 1731. A butcher's shop in Fish street, Boston, 
caught fire about 3 o'clock on Sunday morning, which caus- 
ed three or four families in the neighbourhood to abandon 
their dwellings. 

Jan. 30, 1734. Mr. Green's printing office in Boston 
was burnt down in the night. 

March 1737. This month a fire caught in Union Street, 
Boston, about 4 o'clock, A. M. which threatened great 
damage. 

I recollect a fire which happened in Union Street at or 
near Mr. Haislup, a pinn maker, in the neighbourhood of 
the Blue ball, a tallow chandler's shop, kept by the late Dr. 
Franklin's father, probably, where he was born, and I sup- 
pose is the fire here recorded. 

Jan. 7, 1742. A house in Dedham, occupied by Mr. 
Gookin, was consumed, with most of the furniture. 

Feb. 11, 1742. A fire broke out in a chaise house of 
Treasurer Foye's, in Boston, which destroyed two riding 
carriages. 

Aug. 30, 1743. Two barns in Charlestown, one used 
as a store, belonging to Richard Foster, Esq. of that town, 
were consumed by fire. 



Account of fires in Massachusetts. 83 

Sept. 2, 1743. A dwelling house in Ilopkinton, the 
property of Capt. James Gooch, was burnt in the evening 
of this day, with great part of the furniture ; but what 
enhances the calamity is, that two negro children were 
burnt to death. 

Sept. 16, 1743. Between the hours of 10 and 1 1 in the 
evening, Mr. Keighly, twine spinner, his work shop near 
Fort hill, Boston, together with a stable was consumed, the 
lost was estimated at 7501. sterling. 

Feb. 23, 1743. This afternoon Mr. Sheaffe's malt house 
near Boston common, together with brew house and stock, 
and some other buildings, were destroyed by fire ; the 
wind being very high carried the sparks and flakes to a 
barn and another building at some distance, which also fell 
a sacrifice to the flames, 

Feb. 26, 1744. Sunday, P. M. The new meeting- 
house in Roxbury, which had been built about 2 years, 
was caught on fire by means of a stove, left in the house, 
after afternoon's service was over. 

Feb. 11, 1745. Mr. David Colson, leather-dresser, at 
the south end of Boston, his large workhouse took fire, — 
it was discovered about 5 or 6 o'clock in the morning, 
which consumed it, with a large stock of leather, and sev- 
eral other buildings belonging to Mr. C. Other houses 
in the vicinity were much damaged. 

June 15, 1745. At Wrentham, a fire in a dwelling 
house occupied by Mr. Benjamin Clarke destroyed it ; 
the furniture below stairs was saved, but that above was 
burnt. 

Oct. 3, 1745. A fire broke out in a sail loft at Marble- 
head, which in a short time consumed it, with about forty 
suit of sails small and great. The damage computed to 
be 10001. sterling. 

Nov. 7, 1745. The house of Mr. Stephen Parker, tan- 
ner, at Leominster, with all the furniture and grain in the 
house was reduced to ashes. 

Nov. 16, 1746. Sunday morning about 2 oclock, a 
joiner's shop in Water street^ Boston, was discovered to be 
on fire. The property of Mr. George Hewes. It con- 
sumed the same, with a row of buildings contiguous. 



84 Account of fires in Massachusetts, 

Jan. 3, 1747. A fire happened in a brick house at the 
north end of Boston, part of which was occupied by a 
maltster. The inside of the house was mostly destroyed, 
with great part of its contents. 

April 20, 1747. At Cape- Ann, a bake house, owned by 
deacon Parsons, was burnt to the ground, with about 
4000 wt. of bread, 1500 bushells of grain, and a considera- 
ble sum in paper money. 

Aug. 16, 1747. A barn at Plymouth was consumed by 
lightning, and a considerable quantity of English grain, 
hay, &c. 

Aug. 16, 1747. Last Wednesday a barn at Medfield 
was consumed by lightning, with a quantity of hay. The 
same day a barn at Braintree shared the same fate, to- 
gether with grain and hay. 

Aug. 20, 1747. A barn at Woburn was burnt by light- 
ning, and a horse killed. 

Sept. 18, 1747. Between 1 and 2 o'clock, P. M. a fire 
broke out in a garret near Oliver's Dock in Boston, by 
which the roof was destroyed, and much other damage 
done to the house, and some others adjoining, and some 
persons hurt. 

Dec. 7, 1747. Mr. Barrett's sail loft on Wentworth's 
wharf, Boston, near the draw bridge, and north of it, about 
3 o'clock, P. M. was burnt, with a quantity of sails, duck, 
&c. 

Feb. 13, 1748. Mr. Gore's house in Roxbury was con- 
sumed by fire. 

April 10, 1748. On Wednesday night, Mr. Benjamin 
Sumner's house in Milton, caught on fire, and was con- 
sumed, with most of the wearing apparel of the family ; 
caused by a defect in the oven. 

Oct. 10, 1748. The dwelling-house of Mr. Joseph 
Williams at Roxbury, was consumed. 

Oct. 22, 1748. A sail-loft near Oliver's Dock, Boston, 
was consumed. The building was large, and besides the 
loft, some cooper's, and blacksmith's shops were burnt; 
also a dwelling-house. Some shops and sheds were pull- 
ed down to prevent the flames spreading. The loss must 
have been great. 



Account of fires in Massachusetts. 85 

Nov. 7, 1743. About a fortnight ago, a large double 
house in North Yarmouth was burnt ; said to have been 
occasioned by a defect in the chimney. 

Jan 16, 1749. The house of Mr. John Remington, in 
Springfield, was lately consumed by fire, with its contents. 

Jan. 18, 1749. On Wednesday, the meeting-house at 
Medway was burnt to the ground. It is reported to have 
been set on fire by a negro man servant, who has since 
absconded. 

Jan. 27, 1749. A fire broke out in a turpentine house 
at the south end of Boston, which consumed it, with a 
quantity of turpentine. 

April 21,1 749. On Friday night the house of the Hon. 
Brigadier Dwight, in Brookfield, was consumed, with all 
the furniture, papers, &c. to a great amount. A lad and a 
negro man servant perished in the flames ; the rest of the 
family, being 14 in number, narrowly escaped with their 
lives. The Brigadier being speaker of the House of Re- 
presentatives, was attending the General Court in Boston; 
where he received the melancholly tidings. 

April 24 ? 1749. About 8 o'clock in the evening a large 
house in Watertown, belonging to Mr. James Davenport, 
together with the furniture and a variety of goods, amount- 
ing to several thousand pounds, were destroyed by fire. 

The same day in the afternoon, the house of Mr. Jona- 
than Frothingham in Dedham, was burnt, with the great- 
est part of the furniture. Also a house of Mr. Penniman 
of Medfield, and some others we cannot particularly de- 
scribe. 

May 18, 1749. The house of Mr. James Plimpton in 
Stoughton was consumed. Himself and family were abroad 
when it happened. They saved nothing but what they 
had on their backs. 

June 14, 1749. A fire broke out in Charlestown, when 
some shops and other buildings belonging to Capt. Cod- 
man were destroyed. 

July 13, 1749. A barn in Charlestown was set on fire 
by lightning, and burnt down. 

Aug. 4, 1749. A large barn, with a quantity of hay, 
was burnt in Charlestown. 



86 Account of fires in Massachusetts, 

Oct. 27, 1749. A farm house in Rutland, belonging to 
Mr. Jonas Clarke of Boston, was burnt down. 

July 25, 1 753. Wednesday night a fire caught in a 
cooper's shop on Bronsdon's wharf, the north end of Bos- 
ton, which burnt with great violence, and consumed with 
it a number of tenements occupied by mechanics ; also a 
quantity of mahogany, staves, boards, cordage, and other 
articles,' to a large amount, but not ascertained ; a schooner 
which laid near the wharf was totally destroyed. 

Feb. 2, 1754. Mr. Benjamin Faneuil's stable behind 
the old brick meeting-house, Boston, about 8 o'clock in 
the evening was burnt, and a small building adjoining. 

April 18, 1754. A fire happened in the westerly part 
of Boston, between the hours of 10 and 11, A. M. in which 
four or five houses were destroyed, and twenty families 
burnt out. The wind was high at N. W. and great danger 
of the fire spreading to other parts of the town ; but provi- 
dentially no other damage was done. 

May 10, 1754. A new meeting-house erecting in Wa- 
tertown, not quite finished, was suspected to have been 
set on fire, by some inhabitants of that town, dissatisfied 
that the house designed for publick worship was placed on 
any other spot, than that on which the former meeting 
house stood. 

Jan. 29, 1759. A tar-house at West-Boston, adjoining 
Mr. McDaniel's rope-walk was burnt, together with a part 
of the roof of the walk. A quantity of ready made rig- 
ging and hemp, and all the working tools were destroyed. 
Mr. McDaniel's dwelling house was damaged ; a dwelling 
house near it was consumed. Several other buildings 
caught on fire, but were providentially preserved. 

March 31, 1761. At Braintree a large barn belonging 
to Mr. Vesey, with a considerable quantity of hay therein, 
was consumed by fire. 

April 23, 1761. Last Lord's day, in the time of divine 
service in the afternoon, the dwelling house of Mr. James 
Foster, near Dorchester neck, caught on fire, and was soon 
entirely consumed, with a part of the furniture. 

Aug. 13, 1761. Wednesday, a barn belonging to Lt. 
Morse, of Medfield, was reduced to ashes, while the in- 
habitants of the town were attending a fast-day lecture on 



Account of fires in Massachusetts. 87 

account of the drought which prevailed. The fire it is 
said was occasioned by the burning of brush, which com- 
municated the flames to the house. 

Sept. 22, 1761. A grist-mill at Milton, belonging to 
Mr. Harris, was burnt, with a quainty of grain therein, 
occasioned, it is supposed, by overheating the spindle. 

Jan. 24, 1764. The college library at Cambridge, con- 
sisting of about five thousand volumes of printed books, 
and some manuscripts, were consumed, with the philo- 
sophical apparatus, and the building that contained them, 
called Harvard Hall. This building was founded A. D. 
1672; was forty-two feet broad, ninety-nine feet long, 
an four stories high ; the fire, it is thought, began in a 
beam under the hearth of the library room, where a fire 
had been kept for the use of the General Court, then in 
session there, the small pox being in Boston. 

N. B. Jan. 26, 1765. The General Court passed a re- 
solve to rebuild Harvard Hall. 

June 28, 1766, between one and two o'clock, Satur- 
day morning, several mills in Charlestown were burnt, oc- 
casioned by a pot of coals left in one of them, which com- 
municated fire to the others. 

Jan. 29, 1767. The jail in Boston, discovered to be ort 
fire ; but was extinguished before much damage was done. 
Supposed to have been caught by some criminals wha 
escaped. 

Oct. 22, 1767. Monday evening, Mr. Edward Edes* 
bake house, at the north end of Boston, took fire, and was 
consumed. Notwithstanding the wind was high, the pro- 
gress of the flames was stopped by the usual alertness of 
the inhabitants on such occasions. 

Jan. 25, 1768. Monday. Last Thursday night a fire, 
under Mr. Walley's shop on Market-square, J3oston, de- 
stroyed considerable property. 

Nov. 9, 1768. At York, upper parish, the house of the 
Rev. Samuel Lanklon of that place, with great part of the 
furniture, clothing, &c, was consumed by fire ; — the fam- 
ily were in great danger of perishing in the flames, it hap- 
pening about midnight. Two or three of the children 
saved their lives by jumping out of the windows, in the 
back part of the house. 



88 Account of fires in Massachusetts. 

Jan. 14, 1769. Last Friday sen'-night, the store of Mr. 
William Rotch of Nantucket, lying on the south wharf of 
the island, was consumed, with a sail loft, and about thirty 
suit of sails. The fire happened by a pot of coals left in 
the loft. 

Jan. 30, 1769. The new county jail in Boston was set 
on fire by some prisoners confined in it ; the inside of the 
building was burnt. The principal incendiary was a Bos- 
ton young man, who was with difficulty rescued from the 
flames he had himself assisted in enkindling. After their 
trial they were punished by whipping, and sitting on the 
gallows. The damage sustained is estimated at more than 
sterling. 

Dec. 1, 1769. The dwelling-house of Josiah Quincy, 
Esq. at Braintree, was entirely destroyed by fire, with 
great part of the furniture. It began about 11 o'clock, 
after the family had retired to bed, and is said to have been 
caused by a defect in the oven. 

Dec. 21, 1769. A schooner belonging to Boston from 
North Carolina, put into Cape Cod harbour, accidentally 
caught on fire, and was burnt to the water's edge. 

Dec. 25, 1769. Early in the morning, the house of Mr. 
John Dennie in Little-Cambridge, was set on fire by a 
spark from the chimney falling on the roof, and burnt to 
the ground. The chief part of the furniture was saved. 

Feb. 19, 1770. Monday evening the tan house, a build- 
ing of Mr. Samuel Sargent in Chelsea, with a large quan- 
tity of leather was destroyed by fire about 9 o'clock. 

March 18, 1770. At Newtown, the Rev Jonas Meri- 
am's house was consumed in the afternoon of this day. 

Feb. 8, 1771. The house of Mr. Eliakim Spooner at 
Petersham was burnt with all its furniture and provisions. 

Feb. 21, 1771. Between 2 and 3 o'clock this morning, 
the store of Mr. Ephraim May at the south part of Boston, 
was discovered to be on fire. It is supposed to have hap- 
pened by means of a spark flying into a basket of coal the 
preceding evening, which gradually kindled, and besides 
burning almost through the sides of the store, had com- 
municated to, and penetrated two thirds through the. staves 
of a hogshead of rum, the consequence of which, had it 
not been timely discovered, would have set all in a flame, 



Account of fires in Massachusetts. 89 

and endangered the dwelling-house and lives of those with- 
in it. Although the danger was apprehended to be great, 
that good providence, which protects us asleep or awake, 
prevented any further damage. 

Feb. 28, 1771. The house of Mr. Todd, late of New- 
buryport, now of Georgetown, was consumed, with all its 
furniture. One of his sons, 19 years of age, perished in 
the flames, and two others were so burnt that their lives 
are despaired of. 

June 16, 1771. Sunday afternoon, the house of Mr. 
William Wick of Maiden, was burnt. 

Oct. 5, 1771. A fire broke out in a shop near Barrett's 
wharf in Boston, which in a short time entirely destroyed it. 

Nov. 1, 1781. This day about 10 o'clock, A. M. the 
dwelling-house of Dr. Alexander Campbell, at Oxford, 
took fire by one of his apprentices breaking a bottle of oil 
of turpentine, which held about seven gallons, by taking 
ashes supposed to be cold, to clean it. It took fire and vi- 
olently run to other bottles, which burst, and forced open 
the door of the room where the Doctor's wife lay, as she 
had lain in but a few days, who was immediately carried 
out with her bed and bedding, which is all that was saved, 
except a few trifles. His books and all his accounts were 
entirely consumed, as also a fine assortment of drugs, 
newly imported from England. This house was finished 
to the doctor's mind, which he enjoyed but a few weeks, 
and then, the account says, this cruel master deprived him 
thereof, not leaving him nor his a shift of cloathing to put 
on. The loss is computed at least to be one thousand 
pounds lawful money. 

Feb. 11, 1772. About 1 o'clock, P. M. the house of 
Mr. Richard Lowden, of Duxborough, innholder, took fire. 
It being considerably advanced before the discovery, 
though in the day time, there being a large quantity of 
flax in an upper chamber, where the fire appears to have 
begun, the weather very dry and windy, the house was 
consumed with nearly all its contents. 

March 28, 1772. Saturday morning a fire broke out at 

Mr. Daniel Jacobs, in Danvers, which was occupied by 

two families, his own and that of his son ; the entire house 

was destroyed with what was in it. The two families had 

Q 



90 Account of fires in Massachusetts. 

but just time to save themselves from the flames. The 
building was large, and contained besides the furniture and 
provisions, a large quantity of cocoa and chocolate. The 
loss estimated at several hundred pounds lawful money. 
How the fire began is not kown. 

April, 1772. A fire happened in the British Coffee- 
house in King-street, and did considerable damage. 

May 11, 1772. Last week the dwelling-house of Mr. 
Ebenezer Fiske at Deerfield, took fire by some accident, 
and together, with its furniture, was totally consumed. 

June 7, 1772. Major Robert Bayard's handsome seat 
on Jamaica Plain, accidentally caught on fire, and was 
burnt to the ground. 

June 16, 1772. On Tuesday evening the house of Capt. 
James Dalton, in Water-street, Boston, caught fire by 
sparks from the chimney falling on the roof. The wind 
being high it was much injured before it could be extin- 
guished ; but the activity of the inhabitants saved it from 
destruction. 

July 20, 1772. Monday, A. M. a carpenter's shop in 
the occupation of Mr. Sumner, near Trinity Church, Bos- 
ton was seen to be on fire, and was consumed, with a 
quantity of boards and stuff. The wind happened to be 
at W. otherwise the church, and some other buildings of 
wood, would probably have been burnt. A large pasture 
was in leeward of the shop, so that there was no danger 
that way ; but the wind being very high drove the flakes 
as far as Long-lane, but no damage was done there. 

July 21, 1772. Tuesday, a large barn at Boxford, the 
property of Mr. Luke Hovey, was consumed by lightning, 
with four tons of hay. 

Oct. 30, 1772. A large barn, owned by Mr. James 
White in Dedham, was struck with lightning, and was 
burnt down with a quantity of corn. 

Nov. 16, 1772. In the night the blacksmith's shop of 
Mr. Richardson in Woburn, was burnt down. 

Nov. 23, 1772. Wednesday about 12 o'clock at night 
a fire broke out in a barn at the north-end of Boston, be- 
longing to the widow May. It was consumed, with one 
or two wagon loads of hogs stored therein. The fire com- 
municated to a large dwelling house belonging to Samuel 



Account of fires in Massachusetts. 91 

WeHes, Esq. which burnt the back part of it ; but the fire 
was stopped before any damage was done. It is sup- 
posed to be caught by a candle, or lighted pipe, carried 
into the barn. 

Jan. 7. 1773. About one o'clock in the morning a fire 
broke out in a tan house of Mr. E. Winter Calef, in Horse 
lane, Boston, near the bottom of Water-street. There be- 
ing a scarcity of water, the fire caught several other build- 
ings at the lower end of Milk-street, which were burnt, 
with the shop and house of a wheelwright. 

Feb. 21, 1773. At an uncommonly severe cold time, a 
fire broke out on Sunday morning, about 2 o'clock, in a 
joiner's shop at the bottom of Cole-lane, near the Mill 
pond, which speedily communicated to three dwelling 
houses, and consumed them, with several work shops. 
The water thrown on the houses most in danger, instantly 
congealed on the tops and sides of the houses ; the wind 
was westerly and carried some of the flakes into Hanover- 
street, and as far east as Ann-street, to the water side, and 
caused many who attended the fire to return to their own 
dwellings that were in the course of the flakes. Several 
persons had their hands and feet frozen by the cold. 
Providence set bounds to this devouring element. 

March 22, 1773. In the afternoon of this day a fire was 
seen breaking out from the second story of the new Court 
House in Boston. In the Court House chamber, the seat 
of the judges, the wainscot and cornice of that part of the 
house was found to be on fire, and had reached to the up- 
per story; it was soon extinguished, but the building was 
considerably damaged. It is thought some sparks came 
through one side of the funnel in the chimney that joined 
the wood work. 

April 4, 1773. Sunday, 4 o'clock, P. M. a fire hap- 
pened in Back-street, Boston, in a building belonging to 
Mr. Alexander Edwards, cabinet maker, which in a short 
time was burnt, with his work shop, several stores, sheds, 
&c. and a considerable quantity of mahogany work, finish- 
ed for sale. The fire reached a building occupied by a 
few Sandamanians as a house of worship, which was also 
burnt. The two Baptist meeting houses were in the 
neighbourhood of this fire, but escaped injury. 



92 Account of fires in Massachusetts. 

May 29, 1773. Saturday, a fire broke out in Cam- 
bridge jail, but by the seasonable assistance of the schol- 
ars, with the college engine, it was soon extinguished. 

May 30, 1773. A store ship was accidentally burnt in 
Boston harbour. 

July 2, 1773. On Friday night about eleven o'clock, 
the pot ash works at Douglas, with a quantity of pot ash 
therein, a ware house, a dwelling house, with all the fur- 
niture, and a shop of goods belonging to Dr. Jennison, of 
Mendon, were all destroyed by fire; the family had scarce- 
ly time to escape the flames, and save their cloathing. It 
is supposed the fire began in the lower part of the works; 
but was not discovered till the whole building was in 
flames, which rapidly communicated with the other build- 
ings by means of a cask of powder in the upper part of 
the works. 

Aug. 9, 1774. M. Gardiner's town on Kennebeck riv- 
er, a large dwelling house, belonging to Dr. Silvester 
Gardiner of Boston, occupied by Mr. Gideon Gardiner, 
together with a great part of the furniture, were consum- 
ed, by which accident the family is thrown into great dis- 
tress, having at present no habitation but a barn. 

Jan. 31, 1774. At Gorham, near Falmouth, the house 
of Mr. David Eldridge was destroyed by fire in the night. 
All his family got out except a little boy about seven years 
old, who perished in the fire. Another family which lived 
in the same house, about fifteen in number, chiefly young 
children, escaped by getting out of bed naked, waded 
through the snow to the barn, from whence they were re- 
moved to the nearest neighbour, after being in that suffer- 
ing condition about three hours. The house nearest to 
that burnt, was distant a mile. A man discovered a light 
through the ray, and came to their assistance. 

Jan. 1774. In this month the Essex hospital, on Cat 
island, near Marblehead, was burnt, supposed to be set on 
fire by some persons opposed to its being occupied as an 
inoculating hospital for the small pox. Some persons were 
taken up on suspicion, and confined in Salem jail, from 
whence they were rescued by a mob collected at Marble- 
liead, who obliged the proprietors of the hospital to declare, 
that no prosecution should be commenced on account of 



Account of fires in Massachusetts. 93 

burning the hospital. It is said, the proprietors were only 
four in number, and their loss is about 15001. sterling. 

Feb. 28, 1774. One day last week, a large new dwell- 
ing house in Acton was entirely consumed, with great part 
of the furniture. 

Yesterday Major Moore's house on Penobscot river, in 
the District of Maine, took fire in the night, and was to- 
tally destroyed, with all his provisions, and part of his 
house furniture. The loss about 5001. lawful money. 

June 8, 1774. The house of the Rev. Joseph Jackson 
in Brookline was consumed by fire ; part of his house fur- 
niture was saved. 

Aug. 24, 1774. Wednesday morning about 2 o'clock, 
a fire broke out in Salem, which consumed four or five 
shops occupied by mechanics. A large warehouse with a 
quantity of molasses and 500 bushels of corn, great part 
of which was destroyed. 

The loss of the latter was well supplied by a vessel 
which arrived there, with a generous donation of grain 
from Baltimore and Annapolis. The Massachusetts were 
now suffering under the Port bill. 

Oct. 6, 1774. A very distressing fire this day in the 
same town of Salem. It began in the morning in a store 
belonging to, and close to the dwelling house of Peter 
Frye, Esq. in King street, and raged to a degree never be- 
fore known in that town. It communicated with Dr. 
Whitaker's meeting house, and to the buildings around it. 
One large meeting house, eight dwelling houses, the cus- 
tom house, fourteen buildings occupied as stores, shops, 
and barns, some sheds and outhouses, were consumed in 
the conflagration. Two engines from Marblehead, and 
several hundred of the inhabitants kindly assisted on this 
occasion. Mrs. Field, an old lady, who lived in one of the 
houses that was burnt, accidently struck her head against 
the chimney, as she attempted to quit the house, and ex- 
pired immediately. Her remains were removed from the 
flames. Great quantities of merchandize and furniture 
were destroyed. 

Nov. 13, 1774. At Petersham, Worcester county, be- 
tween the hours of 8 and 9 o'clock, P. M. the house of Mr. 



94 Account of fires in Massachusetts. 

Jotham Houghton took fire, whilst he was at a short dis- 
tance from home. The house was burnt, together with 
three of their children, under nine years of age, who had 
gone to bed ; the youngest about ten years old was also in 
bed, but happily escaped. 

June 17, 1775. Charlestown in Massachusetts. The 
whole town was set on fire by Gen. How's British troops, 
and totally destroyed, not a fence nor a tree left standing. 

Oct. 16, 1775. Great part of the town of Falmouth, 
Casco Bay, was laid in ashes by Captain Mowatt, a British 
naval officer, under the orders of admiral Samuel Greaves, 
It is said 139 houses and 275 stores were destroyed. 

August 29, 1777. Last Saturday morning, the Powder 
Mill at Glastonbury caught on fire and blew up. Mr. 
Stocking and his three sons were in the mill at the time : 
a Mr. Kimberley and a young lad also. The master of 
the mill, his three sons, and the young lad expired the 
same day. Mr. Kimberley was burnt in such a manner, 
that his life was despaired of. The mill had been going 
but a few minutes when this awful catastrophe happened, 
occasioned probably by the works not being sufficiently wet. 

Jan. 16 or 18, 1778. The elegant dwelling house of 
Peter Chardon, Esq. in Cambridge street, West Boston, 
occupied by Mr. Carter, a stranger, was destroyed by fire. 
The brick walls only remained. 

Sept. 5, 1778. New Bedford, Dartmouth, about 58 
miles from Boston, burnt by a detachment of British, un- 
der the orders of General Gray. 

April 10, 1779. Saturday morning about 5 o'clock, a 
fire broke out at the south part of Boston in a barn, which, 
with a small tenement near, belonging to Mr. Gillam 
Tailer, were both consumed. 

May 7, 1778. Friday a valuable dwelling house in Lei- 
cester, belonging to Mr. Phinehas Newhall, was totally 
consumed, with a considerable part of its contents. 

April 3, 1782. The paper mills at Milton, belonging to 
Boies and McLane, and a slitting mill, were consumed by 
fire in the night. 

Dec. 25, 1782. In the morning a fire broke out in the 
North Mills of Boston, near Charles river, which consumed 
»the same, with some stores and stables ; upwards of a thou- 



Account of fires in Massachusetts. 95 

sand bushels of grain were destroyed, a large quantity of 
cocoa and chocolate, seven horses and some hogs. 

Aug. 8, 1783. In the evening of this day, a barn at 
Cambridge, belonging to Nathaniel Tarcy, Esq. was set 
on fire by lightning, which consumed it, with his carriages, 
and a large quantity of hay. 

Aug. 2 1 , 1 783. Friday morning, between 2 and 3 o'clock, 
a barn, occupied by Mr. Crane, wood wharfinger, at Oli- 
ver's Dock, was seen to be on fire. It destroyed the barn, 
four horses and all the tackling. The fire caught four or 
five other barns, and in its progress consumed a dwelling 
house, some carriages, and more horses ; also a large ware- 
house of William Phillips, Esq. with a considerable quan- 
tity of dry goods. The following melancholy accident 
happened : two men who were just come from the neigh- 
bouring town of Hanover, passing by the ruins, a stack of 
chimnies fell on them ; one of the men died immediately ; 
the other survived but a short time. 

June 14, 1784. About 8 o'clock, Monday morning, the 
spermaceti works lately erected at the bottom of Friends' 
street, near the mill pond, Boston, were on fire, and al- 
most totally destroyed the works. 

Feb. 1785. In this month great devastation was made 
by fire in the county of Berkshire, at Lenox, Tyringham* 
Stephentown, and Lanesborough. From some material 
circumstances it is suspected to have been done by some 
evil minded persons, who had plundered a house in one of 
the towns, in which two female infants in bed perished in 
the flames. At Stephentown a house and three small chil- 
dren were burnt. In another house a fat, lusty woman, 
who attempted to escape, could not effect it, and perished 
in the fire, with a child left in one of the chambers. 

Dec. 5, 1787. At Uxbridge a dwelling house was con- 
sumed, in which four persons were burnt to death. 

Jan. 23, 1792. On Monday, an uncommonly cold day, 
a fire broke out in the forenoon in the neighbourhood of 
the New North meeting house in Boston, in a large wood- . 
en building, and greatly endangered the meeting house. 
The house in which the fire began and one adjoining it 
were consumed. The exertions of the inhabitants, under 



96 Account of fires in Massachusetts, 

God, saved the meeting house, and the wooden buildings 
near it. The mercury in Farenheit's Thermometer this 
day, was 10 degrees below 0; a degree of cold seldom 
known in this latitude. 

Feb. 1792. A dwelling house in Dorchester caught fire 
and was wholly destroyed. 

Feb. 1792. In Boston, a barn, behind the Old Brick 
meeting house, belonging to Capt. D. Bradlee, took fire 
and was burnt down, and a quantity of hay was consumed. 

April 14, 1792. Early in the morning, a fire began in 
the dwelling house of Mr. James Bowden, in Marblehead, 
and spread to four others, which it consumed, with several 
shops and barns, said to have been caused by a child of 
Mr. B. who unnoticed had taken a lighted candle into the 
closet of an upper chamber, which set some laths on fire. 

May 5, 1792. Saturday morning, a fire was discover- 
ed breaking out in an upper story of a large dwelling house 
in Newbury-street, Boston, occupied by Mr. Samuel Da- 
vies, upholsterer, which, notwithstanding its first appear- 
ance was alarming, was soon extinguished by the citizens. 
Mr. Davies' loss, however, was considerable, as a part of 
his property was destroyed through the officiousness of un- 
skilful and impetuous persons. A short time previous to 
the above, occupied by the same family, the same house 
caught on fire, but it was put out before it had done much 
damage. 

Feb. 11, 1793. Wednesday evening, the tallow chand- 
lery works in Battery March-street, near Fort hill, caught 
on fire and was consumed. The works were occupied by 
Mr. Nichols, whose loss was estimated at 2501. sterling. 

Feb. 16, 1793. In the night, the house of Mr. Samuel 
Bucknam in Falmouth. Those who were in the chambers 
were obliged to leap from the windows. A child of Mr. 
B. about four years old, and another of twelve, perished 
in the flames. 

May 22, 1793. The extensive and productive paper 
mills in Watertown, belonging to Mr. Bemis, were entirely 
consumed. The loss was computed at 7000 dolls. 

Jan. 24, 1794. A meeting house in Westford, was 
burnt. This accident was occasioned by a pot of coals 
left in it by the carpenters, who had been repairing it. 



Account of fires in Massachusetts. 97 

*Oct. 6, 1794. A large handsome edifice on Jamaica 
Plain, Roxbury, belonging to Mr. John Doane, which in 
a few days would have been completely finished to receive 
a tenant, accidentally took fire by means of the scattered 
shavings, which burnt so rapidly as, in a short time, to re- 
duce it to ashes. 

July 9, 1795. The house of Mr. Isaac Darrell at West 
Boston, with the house adjoining, occupied by three fami- 
lies, was burnt, with the chief of its contents. By the 
event Mr. Darrell is deprived of the fruits of several years 
honest industry. 

Nov. 30, 1795. Monday, a valuable snuff mill, in New- 
town, belonging to a tobacconist in Boston, with half the 
stock therein, was destroyed by fire. Caught accidentally. 
Jan. 7, 1796. At Middleborough, a fire happened in 
the house of the widow Dunham, which entirely consum- 
ed it, and its furniture, and it is painful to add, that two 
of her children lost their lives by this event. 

March 9, 1796. Wednesday morning, afire broke out, 
about 4 o'clock, A. M. in a dwelling house, the lower end 
of State-street, occupied by Mr. Sweetser, printer of the 
Boston Courier, newspaper, Mr. Wright, a tailor, Mr. 
Turell, a watchmaker, and a black woman who is pecu- 
liarly unfortunate. This estate, by the will of her late 
mistress Howard, was obliged to support the black female 
during her natural life. The house rented for 601. sterling 
per year, of which she is now deprived. The hbuse ad- 
joining it was also burnt. The fire it is supposed began 
in the cellar. 

March 24, 1796. At Bristol, in the District of Maine, 
the house of the Rev. Alexander McLean caught on fire, 
supposed to have begun in the chamber of his eldest daugh- 
ter, about 16 years of age, before she could be delivered 
from the flames ; she was burnt in such a manner as to 
occasion her death the next day. Most of the furniture 
and a valuable library were saved by the exertion of his 
neighbours. 

Oct. 17, 1796. The powder mill at Andover blew up ; 

two men were instantly killed, and some more wounded. 

Oct. 30, 1796. A barn at Charlestown this evening, 

belonging to Mr. Caleb Swan, caught on fire, and was 



98 Account of fires in Massachusetts. 

burnt, with several loads of hay, probably the property of 
Mr. Hard, who hired the barn. 

Xov. 13. 1796. Sunday. P. M. the house of Mr. John 
West Folsom, printer, in Union-street. Boston, caught on 
fire whilst he and his family were attending public wor- 
ship. There being books and stationary they were mostly 
destroyed,, together with other valuable property. The 
house though not consumed, was greatly damaged. The 
houses adjoining, though in great danger, were wonder- 
fullv preserved. 

Dec. 27, 1796. A house in Dorchester, occupied by 
Mr. Joseph Tallman, and owned by Capt. McLane of Mil- 
ton, was, with every article it contained, totally consumed, 
between the hours of eleven and twelve in the night The 
crackling of the flames awoke Mrs. Tallman, who alarmed 
her husband, when springing from the bed and opening 
the door, the flames burst in upon them and made their 
situation deplorable. Xo avenues of escape presented, ex- 
cepting the windows of the chamber, from which at the 
risk of their lives they threw themselves, naked as they 
got out of their bed : they were happily not much hurt, 
and found an immediate shelter from the inclemency of the 
season, in a house not greatly distant. The account of this 
occurrence makes no particular mention of anv children. 

Jan. 17, 1797. Last Friday evening, a shop in Ames- 
bury, belonging to Mr. William Patten, was burnt down. 

Feb. 25, 1797. Three large manufactories of cordage, 
and several dwelling houses, were, on Saturday, A. M. dam- 
aged and destroyed by fire at West Boston. The rope- 
walks belonged to Messrs. Jeffrey and Russell, John Win- 
throp. Esq. and Messrs. Tyler and Caswell. The former 
contained a large stock, and working tools, which, with 
about 200 feet of the walk, were preserved : a part of Mr. 
>\ inthrop's was also preserved, in which a part of his stock 
was deposited. [Messrs. Tyler and Caswell literally lost 
their all. The total loss by this disaster, it is said, cannot 
be reckoned at less than 100.000 dollars, it is supposed 
to have caught by a spark from a fire just kindled under a 
tar kettle, which had been left three or four minutes. 

March, 1797. The meeting house in Long Meadow, 
Hampshire county, was set on fire, the account says, by 



Account of fires in Massachusetts. 99 

some children of the devil. One taken into custody is a 
foreigner. 

March 5, 1797. This morning a dwelling house in 
Boston, in Beacon-street, opposite the old alms house, oc- 
cupied by Mr. William Turner, and a stable belonging to 
the estate of the late Governour Bowdoin, were destroy- 
ed by fire. Mr. Turner's family narrowly escaped becom- 
ing victims to the flames. It was purposely set on fire by 
a negro man, who lived in the family, who on the trial 
was found guilty, and afterwards executed. 

Mar. 18, 1797. A few days past, a large shed and part 
of a dwelling house in Roxbury, belonging to Mr. Fox, 
was burnt ; supposed to be done designedly by a negro 
man, but the proof was not sufficient to convict him. 

A barn belonging to Mr. John Andrews of Boylston, 
Rutland county, containing about fifteen tons of hay, was 
consumed by lightning a few days ago. Whilst the barn 
was on fire, Mr. Andrews went to it and rescued from the 
flames thirty head of cattle, and thirteen suckling calves. 
Some of them were scorched by the fire. 

April 2, 1797. Mr. Williams' barn and corn-house in 
Roxbury were burnt this day, 

Nov. 27, 1797. On Monday morning about 2 o'clock, 
a fire broke out in Ann street, Boston, occupied by Mrs. 
Broaders as a rendezvous house for sailors. It was dis- 
covered and the alarm given by a passenger in the street, 
and such was the height to which it rose, that the great- 
est exertions were necessary to prevent the threatened 
destruction. Some buildings adjoining the house which 
first caught fire were consumed with it; one of them join- 
ed the draw bridge, which passes over the mill creek, but 
having a high brick end, the flames were stopped from 
passing over the creek to the north of it, and catching the 
old wooden buildings which must have fallen a sacrifice 
and carried the fire into Fish street. Very little could be 
saved out of the buildings burnt. 

Nov. 28, 1797. At Duxborough, Plymouth county, 
Doctor Eleazer Harlow's dwelling house took fire, and 
was consumed with the effects in it. Thirty three years 
ago the Doctor experienced on the same spot a similar 
calamity, but aggravated greatly by this additional dis- 



1 00 Account of fires in Massachusetts. 

tressing circumstance, the loss of two female children 
about seven and eight years old, burnt to death. 

Feb. 2, 1793. The theatre in Federal street, Boston, 
the first play house ever erected in this town, was this day 
destroyed by fire. It was first discovered in one of the 
dressing rooms about four o'clock, P. M. No exertions 
used could check the violence of the flames, and before 
seven o'clock, there was nothing left standing but the bare 
brick walls. As it stood alone, no other house adjoining 
it, no other was burnt. The property lost must be great 
to the proprietors. 

Feb. 2, 1798. The brig Aurora, lying in Salem har- 
bour, the property of Wm. Gray, being partly loaded on 
an outward bound voyage, was seen to be on fire, and 
alarmed the inhabitants of the town. By their exertions 
with a suction engine carried under the stern, and pouring 
into her cabin where the fire first began, a deluge of water, 
she was saved from destruction. The man who had the 
care of the vessel that night the fire caught, and whose 
candle probably set her on fire, perished in the flames. 
The brig suffered a comparative small damage. 

Feb. 6, 1798. By way of Kennebeck we hear, that 
the dwelling house of Mr. Joseph March of Wales planta- 
tion, adjoining the town of Monmouth, was consumed by 
fire, with all its furniture, and what greatly enhances the 
disaster, is the loss of three children, who perished in the 
fire. 

Feb. 7, 1798. On this night the dwelling house of Doc- 
tor Ivory Hovey, at Berwick, was wholly destroyed by fire, 
with most of the elegant furniture and wearing apparel, 
some valuable papers, 500 dollars in specie, the barns and 
other out houses were also burnt; the Doctor was absent, 
and his wife and three daughters with difficulty escaped at 
midnight. The want of caution in one of their domestics, 
in putting away ashes in a small building adjoining the 
kitchen, is said to have occasioned this conflagration. 

Feb. J 4, 1798. Tyngsboro', last Saturday morning, 
between 11 and 12 o'clock, the school house in the town, 
erected upon the plan of Mrs. Winslow's donation, caught 
on fire, and with a number of books and quantity of paper, 
was reduced to ashes. 



Account of fires in Massachusetts. 101 

May 4, 1798. In the upper parish of Roxbury about 6 
o'clock in the evening, Major Whiting's tavern caught on 
fire and was entirely consumed ; supposed to have happen- 
ed by the carelessness of a black man servant in the family. 

Nov. 12, 1798. Monday a fire broke out in a house in 
the main street of Roxbury, which destroyed it totally, and 
a shop. 
+ Feb. 26, 1799. Some nights since the house of Mr. 
Hathaway, in Barnstable was consumed by fire, and his 
eldest son burnt to death ; his second son so much burnt 
as to expire soon after his father had snatched him from 
the flames. The father, it is melancholy to add, is de- 
prived of his sight by his exertions to save his children. 

March, 1799. The seat of Christopher Gore, Esquire, 
in Watertown, was burnt, excepting the western wing ; the 
fire began in the green house. 

April 21, 1799. A school house in New Bedford was 
burnt about this time. 

CCf * I am uncertain as to the date of the following ar- 
ticle, I believe it happened in the year 1799, but know not 
the day, nor the month. 

1799. In the evening the dwelling house of Mr. Phin- 
ehas Jones of Milford, in Massachusetts, caught on fire, in 
which four persons lost their lives ; two of them at the age 
of 20, one at 1 8, another was Mr. Jones's only son, in his 
seventh year. This truly melancholy event is supposed 
to have happened by ashes put into a room under a work 
shop, where the unfortunate sufferers were in a chamber ; 
the rest of the family being below stairs escaped unhurt. 

May 11, 1799. A fire in Newbury street, Boston, be- 
gan at Mr. Merchel's, furrier, which destroyed eleven 
dwelling houses, and a number of out houses. The loss 
reckoned at 30,000 dollars. 

June, 1799. At Leominster, a dwelling house of Mr. 
Hopestill Leland was burnt. 

Aug. 2, 1799. A barn of Mr. Micajah Newell, at Lynn, 
was set on fire by lightning, and consumed with its con- 
tents, and an ox almost instantly killed. 

Sept. 4, 1799. Early this morning a fire broke out in 
a blacksmith's shop in Plymouth, and destroyed it. The 
flames were violent, and threatened the destruction of the 
whole town, but was mercifully preserved. 



102 Account of fires in Massachusetts. 

Dec. 9, 1799. It is reported that a barn in Chelmsford, 
belonging to Mr. Chamberlain, was consumed with 14 head 
of cattle, 12 sheep, and one horse, said to be the effects of 
a villain's malice. 

Dec. 15, 1799. Sunday morning a fire broke out in a 
house in Cornhill street, near the Old South meeting 
house, occupied by Mr. Von Hagen, a musician. It was 
first discovered in the upper part of the house, where it 
had got to a considerable height ; but the dexterity of the 
inhabitants prevented the expected destruction. 

Feb. 11, 1800. Mr. Jonathan Balch, block maker's 
shop near the Draw-bridge, on Newell's wharf, Boston, 
took fire in the night, which in a short time burnt it to the 
ground. 

Feb. 26, 1800. An unfinished house on the west side 
of Boston common caught on fire about noon, but was 
soon extinguished. 

March, 1 800. Fire in a painter's shop near Hallowell's 
ship yard, Boston. The inflammable contents, threatened 
much damage ; but providentially not much was sustained. 

June 12, 1800. A barn at Lynn was struck with light- 
ning and set on fire. 

June 19, 1800. A fire in Battery March-street hap- 
pened in a still house, but was put out without doing much 
injury. 

Oct. 24, 1800. A foundery shop, adjoining Cutler and 
Duick's shop of goods on Boston neck, caught on fire, and 
occasioned some loss. 



The foregoing account of fires, contains a melancholly 
record not only of the loss of property, but of many lives, 
numbers of whom were children burnt in their beds, and 
deprived of life by this destructive element, which, though 
a good servant, is a bad master. 

I am in doubt whether the dates of the fires contained 
in the list of them which are marked with a * is correct, but 
this may be ascertained by consulting the newspapers. As 
I have not all the newspapers in my possession, I am pre- 
vented from doing it. I do not offer this list of the fires 
that have happened in Massachusetts as a correct account 



Mr. Bradford's Letter. 103 

of all that have taken place in the Commonwealth, daring 
the eighteenth century; they are an addition to what has 
been already published in my description of Boston in the 
third volume of the Collections of the Historical Society, 
as before noted ; and both accounts, though they may not 
contain all, I believe them to be a record of the most re- 
markable that have happened within the period mentioned. 

Besides the fires recorded in the year 1797, there have 
been several attempts by incendiaries to destroy other 
houses in Boston, by fire. The following are noticed by 
the Rev. Dr. John Lathrop, in the appendix to his dis- 
course at the Thursday lecture, March, 1797. 

Feb. 22, 1797. Mr. Marriot's house, Winter-street. — 
Mr. Holmes, Union-street. 

March 16, 1797. Mr. Goldsbury.. Fish-street. A fire 
was kindled by a robber in a part of the house, which 
communicated with a chamber; the smoke awoke the 
family, and prevented the intended mischief. 

Mr. Beals' house, Middle-street. 

In none of the above instances did the designs of the 
villains take effect, through the interposing hand of provi- 
dence. For several weeks the newspapers contained ac- 
counts of houses being purposely set on fire. 



LETTER FROM ALDEN BRADFORD, ESQ. TO REV. DR. ELIOT, 
RESPECTING MOUNDS, &C. 

Boston, January 30, 1813. 

Sir, 

In the fourth volume of the Collections of the His- 
torical Society, there is a letter from Rev. Jacob Bailey, 
formerly of Dresden on Kennebec river, in which he 
makes some conjectures respecting the origin of mounds 
and eminences discovered in various parts of North Amer- 
ica. These, without sufficient reasons, in my opinion, he 
considers to be artificial. For, upon thorough examination, 
they will generally be found to be natural; such as they 
have ever been from the formation of the earth, or as have 
been produced by the overflowing of rivers. His supposi- 



104 Mr. Bradford's Letter. 

tion is, that these mounds were erected for fortifications, 
or places of religious worship ; and he concludes, that the 
population of the country in distant periods must have 
been immense. 

One would be justified in doubting whether the aborig- 
inals of America ever had any knowledge of fortifications. 
But this consideration apart, it is not in any degree proba- 
ble, that all these eminences are the effect of human design 
and labour.* Mr. Bailey mentions a a hill which rises in 
the midst of an extensive plain on the western bank of Ken- 
nebec river, about thirty five miles from the mouth ;" and 
supposes it to be artificial. This spot, I visited some years 
ago, after having seen Mr. Bailey's description of it. But 
it was impossible, for a moment, to believe it to be other 
than a natural eminence. It is from fifty to sixty feet in 
height, and its base covers two thirds of an acre of ground. 
Its surface does indeed exhibit much regularity, and the 
ascent is gradual, making an angle of about thirty seven, or 
forty degrees with the horizon. One side however is more 
steep than the others, and there is nothing remarkable in 
its form to induce one to believe it the work of art, unless 
he were predisposed by some favorite theory to suppose it. 
On the banks of the river, both above and below this place, 
there are other eminences equally regular in their form, but 
some of such magnitude, that no man in the exercise of his 
sober judgment would admit the idea of their being artifi- 
cial. 

With great esteem, 

A. Bradford. 
Rev. Dr. Eliot. 



* I give no opinion respecting those which are found on the Ohio and Mississippi. 



Progress of Medical Science, 105 

An historical sketch of the progress of Medical Science, in 
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, being the substance 
of a discourse read at the annual meeting of the Medical 
Society, June 6, 1810, with alterations and additions to 
January 1, 1813. By Hon. Josiah Bartlett, M. D. 

From a consideration of the early attention of our ven- 
erable ancestors to the promotion of literature ; the estab- 
lishment of Harvard* College in 1638; and the various 
records and traditions of that enterprising period, it is not 
easy to explain our ignorance of the earliest physicians. 
But we may safely remark, that indigence is unfavourable 
to accurate investigation; that a wilderness is not adapted 
to the improvement of a conjectural art; and that profes- 
sional eminence is the result of experience. 

The general state of medicine at that time was limited 
and hypothetical, for the circulation of the blood by Har- 
vey, and the course of aliment to nutrition by Pecquet 
and Aselius were but just discovered; a careful observance 
of the nature, symptoms and cure of diseases by Sydenham 
had scarcely commenced, and the medical establishments, 
which are now celebrated, were unknown. But a regular 
intercourse Avith the parent country, occasional immigra- 
tions from European schools, and a progressive introduc- 
tion of approved authors, afforded our predecessors the 
best means of instruction their situation would admit of; 
and by their assiduity we are favoured with a regular suc- 
cession of talents and acquirements, which have kept pace 
with the cultivation of science, and the refinements of pol- 
ished society. 

The first medical publication in this state, was a paper 
in 1677, entitled, A brief guide in the small pox and mea- 
sles, by Thomas Thatcher, a clergyman and physician, 
who is spoken of as the best scholar of his time. He died 
in 1678, aged 53. 

There is a letter on the files of the Historical Society, 
about a good management, under the distemper of the 
measles, without a date, or the author's name; it was 
probably written as early as the preceding; but whatever 
were its merits, it can be viewed in no other light, than as 
an ancient curiosity. 

♦John Harvard died at Charlestown, 1638. 

S 



106 Progress of Medical Science. 

The introduction of variolous inoculation in Boston, by 
the influence and patronage of Cotton Mather, a celebrat- 
ed divine, was a subject of much speculation; whilst the 
discourses and opinions of the clergy applauded or con- 
demned it in a moral or religious view,* the controversies 
of the physicians were not more distinguished for candour 
and fair argument, than by a spirit of rivalship and ill-na- 
ture. Many newspaper publications were anonymous;! but 
an open opposer was Lawrence Dalhound, a Frenchman, 
who had seen cases in Italy, Flanders, and Spain, and was 
supported by William Douglass and Joseph Marrion.J 

Zabdiel Boylston, of whom we may boast as the earli- 
est inoculator for small pox in the British dominions, stud- 
ied with John Cutler, an eminent practitioner. His exper- 
iments commenced on his son in 1720, and in a year he 
extended the disease to 247 persons, of whom but six 
died. During this period 39 others were successfully at- 
tended by Roby and Thompson, in Cambridge and Rox- 
bury. Resisting with intrepidity and perseverance the in- 
fluence of superstition, and the exertions of interested as- 
sailants, Boylston conquered the strongest prejudices, and 
lived to witness the extensive effect of his philanthropy. 
He published in 1721, from the philosophical transactions 
in Great Britain, an account of inoculation, by Timonius 
of Coustantinople, and Pylarinus, a Venetian consul in 
Smyrna. He visited London in 1 725, received flattering 
attentions from distinguished characters, and was elected 
a fellow of the Royal Society. In 1726 he published an 
historical account of inoculated small pox in New Eng- 
land'. His subsequent communications and correspond- 
ence are sufficient evidence of his literary qualifications. 
He was born at Brookline in 1684, and died at his patri- 
monial estate in 1766, aged 83. 

♦The clergy of Massachusetts were defenders of inoculation, and the subjects of 
much abuse by its opposers. See observations, by Benjamin Colman, 1721. Also a 
vindication of the ministers of Boston, by some of their people, 1722. 

A sermon, against the dangerous and sinful practice of inoculation, preached in 
London, in July, 1722, by Edmund Massey, was reprinted in Boston. The conduct 
of some of the medical faculty, who exerted their whole force to annihilate it, was vi-* 
olent and outrageous. 

f See New England Courant, 1721-'22. This paper was rendered famous, by the 
juvenile essays of Benj. Franklin, who died 1790, aged 85. 

% See appendix to Boylston, p. 62. 



Progress of Medical Science. 107 

William Douglass a native of Scotland, and a skilful 
physician, but a man of strong prejudices, accustomed to 
estimate the merits of others by his personal friendship for 
them, arrived at Boston in 1720, and died in 1752, aged 
57. He was the author of essays respecting the small pox 
in 1722 and 1730; also of several historical and political 
performances. In 1736 he published a treatise on an 
eruptive miliary fever with angina ulcusculosa,* which has 
been mentioned with approbation, and quoted in subse- 
quent dissertations on cynanche maligna. 

A pamphlet was published in 1742, on the method of 
practice in the small pox in 1730, by Nathaniel Williams, 
a pupil of James Oliver, a learned physician, taught by 
Ludowick, a German, the most celebrated chemist that 
had ever been in America.! Williams was in extensive 
practice thirty-seven years, and is represented as an able 
instructer of youth, a useful preacher, and most valuable 
citizen. He died in 1737, aged 63. 

We are told that the art of healing was originally reduc- 
ed to order by the officers of the church, and that many 
of our earliest divines, in imitation of the ancient priests 
of Egypt, Greece and Rome, were practitioners in medi- 
cine, by which they were enabled more effectually to pro- 
mote their spiritual avocations ; J among these was Leon- 
ard Hoar, who went to England in 1653, took the degree 
of doctor in medicine, and afterward preached at Wens- 
tead. He returned to this country in 1662, was elected 
president of the university, and sustained that office about 
three years. He died in 1665, aged 45. 

There is a tract on pharmacy, written in 1732, by 
Thomas Harward, a clergyman, and there are various 
statements in periodical publications, and disputes in news- 
papers, of little consequence at this period, which, with 
those recited, are all the medical writings in Massachusetts 
we are able to discover in more than a century and a half. 

* This disease commenced in Kingston, in 1735. The number of deaths in the 
country averaged one in four cases, and in Boston but one in thirty-five See 
Douglass, p. 3. / 

t See preface to Williams, by Thos. Prince. 

t See Magnalia, by C. Mather, book iii. p. 151. 



103 Progress of Medical Science. 

Though the works of Hippocrates, Galen, Stahl, and 
others, were not unknown, those of Sydenham and his fol- 
lowers, were principally studied by our oldest practition- 
ers, till the time of Boerhaave, whose invaluable labours 
commenced in 1701, which with the commentaries of Van 
Swieten, the practical writings of Whytt, Mead, Brooks, 
and Huxham ; the phisiology of Haller ; the anatomy of 
Cowper, Keil, Douglass, Cheselden, Munroe, and Wins- 
low ; the surgery of Heister, Sharp, Le Dran, and Pott ; 
the midwifery of Smellie and Hunter ; and the materia 
medica of Lewis, were in general use at our political sep- 
aration from the British empire.* 

Our earliest evidence of a medical establishment, is an 
hospital at Rainsford island, in the harbour of Boston, be- 
longing to the commonwealth, which, for upwards of an 
hundred years, has been appropriated to the reception of 
mariners and others with contagious sickness. It is now 
under the direction of the board of health, and is princi- 
pally occupied in the summer months, when vessels are 
subject to quarantine. 

Inoculating hospitals, which are said to have been the 
first in the state, were opened in the vicinity of Boston in 
1764, at Point Shirley, by William Barnet from New Jer- 
sey, and at Castle William, by Samuel Geltson from Nan- 
tucket ; at these, Sylvester Gardner, Nathaniel Perkins, 
Miles Whitworth, James Lloyd, Joseph Warren, Benja- 
min Church, and Joseph Gardner attended. f A few years 
afterward, they were succeeded by one in the neighbour- 
hood of Marblehead, under the direction of Hall Jackson, 
from Portsmouth. 

The appearance of small pox in Cambridge, in 1775, 
rendered accommodations necessary, to prevent its exten- 
sion ; and Isaac Rand, a respected practitioner of Charles- 
town, who studied with Thomas Greaves, and was reput- 
ed to have been better acquainted with the disease than 
any of his cotemporaries, was the physician. He died in 
1790, aged 72. In 1776, William Aspinwall and Lemuel 
Hayward prepared conveniences at Brookline, the natal 

» There were many other valuable medical books in use during this period, but 
those are named, which are supposed to have been most generally known. 

t See Boston Gazette and Pos.t Boy, 1764. 



Progress of Medical Science. 109 

and the burying place of Boylston, for private inoculation, 
and attended two classes ; Rand and Hayward then asso- 
ciated, and the number inoculated in twelve months, by 
the above named gentlemen, exceeded two thousand. The 
reputation and success of this institution led to similar es- 
tablishments, at different periods, in various places; but an 
hospital was continued at that town by Aspinwall, till va- 
riolous inoculation was superseded. 

To enhance the superior advantages of a late discovery, 
it is stated as the opinion of Dimsdale, a celebrated small 
pox inoculator, that this mode of communicating it has 
been more detrimental than beneficial to society ; and its 
ravages in populous cities are adduced to corroborate the 
remark. If this is a correct opinion from his extensive in- 
formation, or from the effect of a constant promiscuous in- 
oculation, can it be applied to this section of our country, 
from the observations and experience of distinguished 
practitioners ? The small pox has never been constantly 
in Massachusetts, as in most of the other states, and in 
Europe. It prevailed in Boston in 1 676, 1 689, 1 702, 1 721 , 
1730, 1752, 1764, 1776, and 1792, at which times, it has 
commonly extended either generally or partially to towns 
in the vicinity. It appears, that by natural small pox, one 
in six has died, and by inoculation, but one in two hun- 
dred.* 

The first information of physicians, in an associated ca- 
pacity, is in the preface to Douglass, which is addressed 
to a medical society in Boston; but there are no particu- 
lars respecting it. A gentleman lately deceased,! whose 
memory included a retrospect of sixty years, and who 
knew the author, had no recollection of its existence. It 
was probably temporary, for conference and consultation 
on a distressing epidemicj which prevailed at that time. 

An association of under graduates, denominated the an- 
atomical society, existed at the university in 1771, and 
was instituted previous to that time. They held private 
meetings for a discussion of medical and physiological 

♦See Historical Collections. Waterhouse on Kine Pox, 1810, p. 4. 27. Miller's 
Retrospect, vol. 1. p. 287. 

t Jame3 Lloyd. 

t Cynanche Maligna. 



110 Progress of Medical Science. 

questions, and were in possession of a skeleton; but their 
demonstrations were confined to the dissection of appro- 
priate animals, as the examination of a human body was 
then an extraordinary occurrence with our most inquisi- 
tive anatomists. 

In 1774 attempts were made by a combination of med- 
ical students to obtain a more accurate knowledge of an- 
atomy, than could be afforded by books and engravings; 
but their progress was greatly retarded, by the danger of 
discovery, which, at that period, might have been fatal to 
their future usefulness. 

There have been several instances of candidates for 
practice, resorting to the European schools to complete 
their medical education, which was doubtless a publick 
benefit. Seventeen of the sons of Harvard have received 
professional degrees in the universities of foreign coun- 
tries, and nine at Philadelphia. 

Obstetrick attendance, except in the most difficult 
cases, was seldom by male practitioners, till within the 
last sixty years ; but this part of the profession is now 
principally conducted by physicians. James Lloyd, a pu- 
pil of William Clark, an eminent physician of this metrop- 
olis, attended the instructions and saw the practice of 
Warner, Sharp, Smellie, and Hunter of London, in 1753. 
He returned the following year, and has the credit of in- 
troducing the practice of amputation with the double in- 
cision, and of being the earliest systematic practitioner in 
midwifery in this section of the United ^States. He died 
in 1810, aged 82. 

Though some individuals, have been celebrated in par- 
ticular branches of practice, there are no established dis- 
tinctions, as in other countries; the utility of which has 
been considered problematical. 

The American revolution opened a new field for medical 
investigation, and the formation of an army, collecting the 
faculty from every part of the country, promoted a social 
intercourse. Joseph Warren, a most conspicuous char- 
acter at that eventful period, was proposed as physician 
general ; but preferring a more active, hazardous employ- 
ment, he accepted a major general's commission, and was 
slain on the heights of Charlestown, June 17,1 775, aged 35. 



Progress of Medical Science. Ill 

Benjamin Church, an esteemed practitioner, and a pupil of 
Joseph Pjnchon, was appointed Director of the Hospitals, 
but being charged with a treacherous correspondence with 
the British, was superseded by John Morgan, professor of 
medicine in the college of Philadelphia. Church sailed 
for the West Indies in 1776, and was lost at sea. Morgan 
died in 1789. 

The prudence and sagacity of Washington, which are 
as easily traced in the archives of science, as in the cabi- 
net or the field, instituted the first medical examinations in 
this state, by the appointment of censors, to ascertain the 
qualifications of the surgeons, and mates of the army. 

The establishment of military hospitals afforded exten- 
sive opportunities for observations and experiments ; im- 
portant operations in surgery were rendered familiar ; 
whilst the diseases and casualties of camps were con- 
stantly occurring. Anatomy was greatly improved by a 
frequent inspection, without fear of detection of the or- 
gans of the human body : phisiology was more accurately 
comprehended, and a laudable spirit of inquiry was assid- 
uously cultivated.* 

A branch of the hospital was continued at Boston, with 
peculiar advantages to students in medicine. In 1780, the 
first course of anatomical lectures in this Commonwealth, 
with dissections and demonstrations, was delivered by 
John Warren, surgeon of that establishment ; they were 
repeated the following year, and students of the university 
were permitted to attend. 

Though the alma mater of Massachusetts, is the parent 
of many literary institutions f her eldest domestic offspring 

* The Hospital Surgeons belonging to Massachusetts, whilst the army was in the 
vicinity of Boston, were, Isaac Foster, William Aspinwall, Lemuel Hayward, Sam~ 
uel Adams, and John Warren. Regimental Surgeons : William Eustis, Thomas. 
Welsh, Timothy Childs, David Townsend^ William Downer, Amos Spofford, Thomaa 
Kitteredge, Nathaniel Bond, John Hart, Walter Hastings, Amos Holbrook, John 
Sprague, William Dole, Erastus How, and Lemuel Gushing. 

Hospital Mates : William Durant, William Gamage, Joseph Hunt, James Thach- 
er, Ebenezer Crosby, Samuel K. Glover, John Georgius, Richard Russell, Samuel 
Whitwell, and Josiah Bartlett. 

The inhabitants of this commonwealth, who were surgeons in the hospitals and 
army during'ihe war, were Isaac Foster (who was deputy director general) William 
Eustis, Samuel Adams, John Warren, David Townsend, John Hart, Joseph Fiske, 
Josiah Bartlett, and Daniel Shute. 

t The first College, and the first printing press in America, were at Cambridge. 
The attention of our first settlers, to literature and the arts, was gradually extended 
through New England, and to the other colonies. See Miller, Vol. 2. p. 332. 



112 Progress of Medical Science. 

is the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, incorpor- 
ated in 1780. Of the original number of this learned as- 
sociation, ten were of the medical faculty, and a proper 
proportion has successively been added. Their charter, 
among other provisions for an advancement of science and 
the useful arts, expressly requires the promotion and en- 
couragement of medical discoveries ; and the communica- 
tions in their memoirs * evince, that this branch of useful 
knowledge has not escaped their attention and patronage. 

The Massachusetts Medical Society was established in 
1781, with power to elect officers, examine and license 
candidates for practice, hold estate, and perpetuate its ex- 
istence as a body corporate forever. This auspicious 
event, which was effected by an application to the legisla- 
ture of thirty-one distinguished physicians, from various 
parts of the state, may be considered as the most interest- 
ing era in our history. Though a systematic mode of in- 
struction had begun to dawn, and a liberal spirit of enquiry 
was gradually advancing, the peculiar benefits of regular 
meetings for personal improvement, and a diffusion of med- 
ical knowledge, must be obvious to cursory observers ; 
whilst the conduct and decisions of the general court cor- 
roborate the remark, that a termination of civil commotion, 
is favorable to science and the arts. 

In June 1782, after several preparatory meetings, by- 
laws were enacted, a common seal f was adopted, and the 
society organized. The officers were a president,! vice 
president, seven counsellors, five censors, corresponding 
and recording secretaries, a treasurer, librarian and cabinet 
keeper. The fellows were enjoined to communicate im- 
portant cases, and the faculty at large invited to a familiar 
correspondence ; circular letters were sent to similar soci- 
eties in our own, and in foreign countries, which were re- 

* Published 1785, 1790, 1804, 1809. 

t A figure of Esculapius in his proper habit, pointing to a wounded hart, nipping 
the herb proper for his cure. Motto, " natura duce." 

% The first President was Edward A. Holyoke, and his successors were William 
Kneeland in 1784, Edward A. Holyoke in 1786, Cotton Tufts in 1787, Samuel Dan- 
forth, in 1795, Isaac Rand in 1798, and John Warren in 1804. TheVice Presidents: 
James Pecker in 1782, Cotton Tufts in 1785, Isaac Rand, Sen. in 1787, Samuel Dan- 
forth in 1790, Samuel Holten in 1795, Isaac Rand in 1797, Ebenezer Hunt in 1798, 
John Warren in 1800, and Joshua Fisher in 1804. 



Progress of Medical Science. 113 

spectfully reciprocated. By judicious elections, the socie- 
ty was gradually increased, and its utility extended. 

In 1785, corresponding and advising committees were 
appointed for the different counties ; in several of which* 
associations were formed, for professional conversation, 
reading dissertations, and communicating useful cases, 
which were afterward transmitted to the committees. 

In 1789, the society was authorized to point out and de- 
scribe such a mode of medical instruction, as might be 
deemed requisite for candidates, previous to examination. f 
It was then determined that every pupil should have a 
competent knowledge of Greek, Latin, the principles 
of geometry, and experimental philosophy ; and that the 
period of instruction should in no case be less than three 
years, with attendance on the practice of a respectable phy- 
sician. And by a subsequent by-law, no candidate can 
be admitted to an examination after June 4, 1813, unless 
he has studied with and attended the practice of a fellow, 
or honorary member of the society. Publications are made 
triennially of authors to be studied, by which the most val- 
uable modern productions are extensively circulated.! The 
censors meet for examining and licensing candidates once 
in four months. The first licentiate was admitted in 1782, 
since which one hundred and thirteen others^ have receiv- 
ed letters testimonial of their qualifications to practice. 

By an act of the legislature in 1 803, the state of the so- 
ciety was essentially changed. || The number of fellows, 
originally limited to seventy, may embrace all respectable 
practitioners in physic and surgery resident in the state, 
who, in the election of counsellors, can vote by proxy. 
Since the establishment of the society in 1781, forty eight 
have died, twelve have retired, and six have removed out 
of the state. The present number is two hundred and 

♦Middlesex, Worcester, Bristol, and Kennebeck. 

t See act of the G. Court, Feb. 10. 

$ A list of the Books, at present required and recommended, is published in the 
New England Journal of Medicine and Surgery, Vol. 1, p. 210. 

§ The names of the Licentiates in .Medicine, are officially published, in the news- 
papers in June annually, they would have been inserted here, but for the want of 
room. 

II March 8. See Act. 
T 



114 Progress of Medical Science. 

eighty two, exclusive of twenty two honorary members. 
An annual meeting is holden in June, to receive a report of 
the counsellors for the preceding year ; revise and amend 
the by-laws ; elect counsellors ; read and consider com- 
munications ; attend to a discourse, which must be placed 
on the files of the society ; and transact any other business 
conducive to the welfare of the institution, or the interests 
of medical science. 

The number of counsellors, whose former duty was only 
to prepare business for the society, is greatly increased. 
In 1812 seventy two were elected, who are apportioned in 
the different counties according to their population. They 
supersede the county committees, and their authority ex- 
tends to elect fellows, and honorary members ; appoint the 
officers of the corporation ; receive, examine, and answer 
letters and communications; establish subordinate societies, 
with censors, if they think proper ; and perform other ser- 
vices, as required by the by-laws. They meet three times 
in a year, and submit their records and proceedings to the 
society at the annual meeting. District societies report to 
the counsellors all cases of importance, and are subject to 
the regulations of the society.* 

In 1790, the first number of medical papers, containing 
a selection of important communications, was published ; 
but for the want of funds,f a second did not appear till 
1306. A third was printed in 1808, completing the first 
volume; which, with a fourth number, in 1809, and a 
fifth in 1810, being part of the second volume, have been 
largely distributed, and contain a useful variety of theoret- 
ical and practical observation*. There are materials for 
further publication, which will probably appear in the 
course of a year. 

* The officers of the society elected in 1812, are John Warren, President, Josh- 
na Fisher, Vice President, David Townsend, Thomas Welsh, Aaron Dexter, Josiah 
Bartlett, and William Spooner, Censors. Thomas Welsh, Corresponding Secre- 
tary, John C. Warren, Recording Secretary, John G. Coffin, Treasurer, John 
Fleet, Librarian. 

The district societies are in Boston, comprehending Brookline, Cambridge, 
Charlestovvn, Dorchester, IV' aid en, Medford, and Roxbury. Also in the counties of 
Essex, Worcester, Berkshire;, Lincoln, and Cumberland. The Worcester district 
has censors, viz. Oliver Fiske, Jona. Osgood, Thomas Babbit, Abraham Haskell, 
and Austin Flint. 

t The expences of the society are defrayed by an annual tax on the fellows, and 
by a moderate assessment on licentiates. 



Progress of Medical Science. 1 1 5 

A Pharmacopeia of the society, prepared by James Jack- 
son and John Collins Warren, was published in 1808, 
The plan of the Edinburgh college was pursued in this 
valuable work, which, being designed to introduce the 
modern nomenclature, establish uniformity in the prepara- 
tion of medicines, and in the prescriptions of physicians, 
was readily adopted, and is in general use. The Ameri- 
can New Dispensatory, published by James Thacher, in 
1810, was submitted to a committee of the society, in 
whose report it is represented as a judicious performance. 

The discourses* are by Isaac Rand, in 1804, on phthisis 
pulmonalis, and the warm bath — John Warren, in 1805, 
on the use and effect of mercury — Joshua Fisher, in 1806, 
on narcotic substances — Thomas Welsh, in 1807, on heat 
and cold, as agents on the human body — John Brooks, in 

1 808, on pulmonic inflammation — and Aaron Dexter, in 

1809, on diseases of the joints — Josiah Bartlett, in 1810, 
on the progress of medical science in Massachusetts — 
Oliver Fiske, in 1811, on certain epidemics which prevail- 
ed in the western parts of the state, and Abraham Haskell, 
in 1812, on Cynanche Trachealis. 

At the annual meeting of the society, in 1809, a commit- 
tee was appointed to devise means for the establishment or 
promotion of a medical school in the metropolis. They 
reported that it was expedient to encourage the removal 
of the medical lectures from Cambridge, as more favoura- 
ble for instruction. In 1811, the society resolved to ap- 
propriate the land granted by the legislature to the erection 
of a building for medical uses, in the town of Boston ; and 
if an adequate sum could be raised, to make arrangements 
for the accommodaticn of the medical institution of the 
university. 

At the meetings of the counsellors in 1810, committees 
were appointed, to make enquiry relating to a spotted fever 
so called, then prevailing in the county of Worcester ; and 
circular letters were sent to the physicians in that quarter, 
whose reports to the society, and publications in the ga- 
zettes, with the observations and minute dissections in this 

* Those by Rand, Fisher, and Bartlett, are published. It is determined to publish 
the others (in the order they were delivered) in the communications of the society. 



1 1 6 Progress of Medical Science, 

town, and its vicinity, have furnished an accurate history,* 
and the modes of treatment, in this formidable disease. 

The public estimation of the medical society is suffi- 
ciently manifested in the constant patronage of govern- 
ment, who, in February, 1810, granted a township of land 
to extend its usefulness. 

The important medical school at Harvard University, 
hastened in its progress by the salutary effects of the ana- 
tomical lectures at Boston, was founded on a generous be- 
quest, in 1770, by Ezekiel Hersey, whose laudable exam- 
ple was imitated by his widow, and also by Abner Hersey, 
John Cummings, William Erving, and Esther Sprague, 
widow of John Sprague, who died in 1797, aged 78. The 
sum bequeathed by these persons, (five of whom where phy- 
sicians or their relicts) was 15,333 dollars. Ezekiel Her- 
sey died in 1770, aged 60. Abner Hersey in 1786, aged 
68. Cummings in 1788, aged 61. And Erving, (who 
was an officer in the British army) in 1791, aged 56. 

The institution provides a regular system of instruction, 
with demonstrations and experiments. The use of the 
college library is allowed to medical students ; who, hav- 
ing read two years with a reputable practitioner, and at- 
tended two courses of lectures in the respective branches, 
might, at the expiration of another year, by passing a pub- 
lick examination, and delivering and defending a disserta- 
tion, receive the degree of bachelor in medicine. But such 
as have not enjoyed a college education, must evince an 
acquaintance with Latin, experimental philosophy, and 
mathematics. Bachelors of seven years standing, who 
had been that time in practice, might receive a doctor's 
degree, after a publick examination by the professors ; but 
they were required to deliver and defend a Latin and an 
English dissertation on medical subjects. 

In 1783, John Warren was installed professor of anato- 
my and surgery; Benjamin Waterhouse, of the theory 
and practice of physic ; and Aaron Dexter, of chemistry 
and materia medica. In 1809, John Collins Warren and 
John Gorham were respectively inaugurated adjunct pro- 
fessors of anatomy and chemistry. In 1810, a professor- 

*See Worcester and Boston papers, March, April, May, 1810, and Medical Com- 
munication, Vol. II. p. III. 



Progress of Medical Science, 117 

ship of clinical medicine was established, and James Jack- 
son was installed professor. 

This system was pursued till 1810, during which period 
forty seven received the degree of bachelor, and five the 
degree of doctor in medicine. * The dissertations which 
have been published on these occasions, are by Peter de 
Sales la Terriere, in 1789, on the puerperal fever; William 
Pearson, in 1789, on mixed fever; William Dix, in 1795, 
on dropsy; Frederick May, in 1795, on the lock jaw; 
John Fleet, in 1795, on surgical operations; Samuel 
Brown, in 1797, on the malignant bilious fever; William 
Ingalls, in 1801, on the bursal abscess; and James Jack- 
son, in 1809, on the Brunonian system. 

The lectures which had been given at Cambridge were, 
by the government of the College, directed to be read in 
Boston, where spacious and convenient apartments are 
provided for the respective professors ; but an annual course 
is still given at the university. The medical pupils, who 
have greatly increased, are allowed the privilege of seeing 
practice at the alms house, and in private families. 

In 1811, the arrangement was altered to correspond with 
other medical establishments in the United States. The 
degree of doctor in medicine was conferred on all who had 
received the degree of bachelor, and is to be given to future 
graduates. In 1812, James Jackson, who still officiates as 
clinical professor, was installed professor of the theory and 
practice of physic, in the room of Benjamin Waterhouse, 
whose connection with the university was dissolved. By 
an arrangement of the professors, lectures on midwifery, 
with demonstrations, are given, by Walter Channing, to 
the members of the medical school. 

The anatomical museum, which contains a very valua- 
ble collection of natural preparations, is enriched by the 
liberality of John Nickols, a counsellor at law in England, 
whose father is numbered with the celebrated anatomists 
that introduced the art of injection ; also of Elias H. Derby 
of Salem, with curious imitations in wax, prepared at Pa- 
lermo in Sicily, by a physician to the Court of Naples. 
The chemical apparatus is extensive, and fully competent 
to the purposes of instruction and amusement. 

* See College Catalogue. The names would have been mentioned, if there was 
room to insert them, in the space allotted to this sketch. 



118 Progress of Medical Science. 

The lectures commence on the first Wednesday in No- 
vember annually. Medical honors are conferred at the 
publick commencements, and in addition to those already 
noticed, thirty have received the honorary degree of doctor 
in medicine.* 

A course of lectures on natural history, occasionally in- 
terspersed with remarks on mineralogy, has been delivered 
annually, from 1788, by Benjamin Waterhouse, at which 
the students in medicine were permitted to attend. In 1 806, 
William D. Peck was inducted as professor in that de- 
partment ; and the establishment of a botanic garden at 
Cambridge, will, by a cultivation of foreign and indigenous 
articles enrich the materia medica, and improve pharmacy. f 

In 1810, a valuable collection of medical and anatomi- 
cal works and engravings were presented to the universi- 
ty by Ward Nicholas Boylston, with permanent arrange- 
ments for its enlargement. The number of books at this 
time exceeds four hundred, the use of which is extended 
to the fellows of the Medical Society, residing within ten 
miles of Cambridge, and to the pupils of the medical school 
at Boston. He also, in 1803, established % an annual com- 
plimentary premium to the authors of the best performan- 
ces, on such medical, anatomical, physiological, or chemi- 
cal subjects, as are proposed by a committee,^ appointed 
by the president and the fellows of the university. The 
approved dissertations || are, on cholera infantum, and on 

* John Sprague, Edward A. Holyoke, James Lloyd, Cotton Tufts, Oliver Prescott, 
Ammi R. Cutter, Joshua Brackett, Charles Stockbridge, Micajah Sawyer, Hall Jack- 
son, Samuel Danforth, William Baylies, John Haygarth, Isaac Rand, Marshal Spring, 
William Aspinwall, Samuel Savage, Joshua Fisher, Lemuel Hayward, John Warren, 
Benjamin Waterhouse, Aaron Dexter, Isaac Senter, Benjamin Mason, Josiah Bartlett, 
John Brooks, James Thacher, Thomas Welsh, Thomas Kitteridge, Timothy Childs. 

t A subscription of $30,000, was made, and two townships of eastern land were 
granted, for the purchase of land, and other expenses of this establishment. It is un- 
der the inspection of the professor of natural history, and a board of trustees, of 
whom the president of the Medical Society is ex officio a member. 

% See bond to the college, Jan. 20, 1803. 

§ The committee are Lemuel Hayward, John Warren, Thomas Welsh, Aaron 
Dexter, John Brooks, Josiah Bartlett, William Spooner, John Fleet, and James 
Jackson. The persons who have served are, Edward A. Holyoke, James Lloyd, Cot- 
ton Tufts, Samuel Danforth, Isaac Rand, Joshua Fisher, Benjamin Waterhouse, and 
William Eustis. 



H The dissertations on cholera, by Mann, the three by Shattuck, and the one 
burns and scalds by Bigelow, are published. 



on 



Progress of Medical Science. 119 

dysentery, by James Mann, for 1804 and 1806 — On mor- 
tification, on the structure and physiology of the skin, and 
on biliary concretions, by George Cheyne Shattuck, for 
1806 and 1807 — On cancer, and the best mode of extri- 
pation, by Daniel Newcomb, for 1808, whose premature 
death is justly lamented — On cynanche maligna, and on 
phthisis pulmonalis, by Jacob Bigelow, for 1809 — On com- 
plaints in the breasts of nursing women, by Thomas Sew- 
all for 1809 — On the treatment of burns and scalds, by 
Jacob Bigelow, for 1810 — On hydrocephalus internus, by 
George Howard for 1811 — On leeches, by John F. Wa- 
terhouse, and on epilepsy, by William J. Walker, for 
1812 : for each of which, premiums were adjudged, agree- 
able to the design of the founder, which is well adapted to 
inspire a laudable emulation, and improve the medical pro- 
fession. The premiums are adjudged without a knowledge 
of the author. Every dissertation has a device or motto, 
with a corresponding sealed letter, containing the author's 
name ; and those only are opened, which are successful. 

At the commencement of the medical institution, a ques- 
tion arose, respecting its interference with the charter rights 
of the Medical Society. On one side it was supposed, that 
positive legal power to examine and license candidates for 
practice, implied an exclusive right ; on the other, that the 
acknowledged privileges and usages of universities were 
sufficient authority to qualify students, and confer profess- 
ional degrees. Repeated conferences were held by com- 
mittees of the society, with the corporation and professors 
of the college, which terminated satisfactorily. A diploma 
from the University, or letters testimonial from the society, 
are alike considered as entitling practitioners of three years 
standing to fellowship ; and all graduates, or licentiates, in 
medicine, may claim * the use of the Society's library. 

There were published, in 1786, the first part of a synop- 
sis of a course of lectures on the theory and practice of med- 
icine ; in 1792, a discourse on the rise, progress and pres- 
ent state of medicine ; in 1804, a lecture on the evil ten- 
dency of tobacco, and the pernicious effects of ardent and 
vinous spirits on young persons, by Benjamin Waterhouse; 
in 1 803, a pamphlet on the use of the vitriolic acid, in ulce- 

* See act of the General Court, March 8, 1803. 



120 Progress of Medical Science. 

rated sore throat, by Thomas Bulfinch, who died in 1804, 
aged 73, and in 1799, a volume on the plague and yellow 
fever, by James Tytler, a native of Scotland, who is spok- 
en of as a man of extensive erudition, but imprudent. He 
immigrated to this country in 1796, resided in obscurity 
at Salem, and was drowned in 1804, aged 59. In 1812, 
observations on the Hydrophobia and the method of treat- 
ment, by James Thacher : also a translation of J. N. Cor- 
visart, on the diseases of the heart and large blood vessels, 
by Jacob Gates. 

The New England Journal of Medicine and Surgery, and 
the colateral branches of science conducted by a number of 
physicians, commenced in January, 1812, and is published 
quarterly. The first volume was completed in October. 
The work is well adapted to improve and diffuse medical 
knowledge. 

It has been remarked that more professional knowledge 
is at this time attainable in a single season, than was known 
to Hippocrates, Galen, and their successors, till the begin- 
ning of the eighteenth century. A case of fistula in ano, 
now considered as a simple disease, and often cured by our 
youngest practitioners, was in 1686, nearly 70 years after 
the settlement of Massachusetts, so formidable and dan- 
gerous, that Felix, a surgeon, and Fagon, a consulting phy- 
sician, were rewarded with forty thousand dollars, for a 
successful operation on Lewis the fourteenth of France, in 
consequence of which a national thanksgiving was relig- 
iously observed.* 

At this period also, the royal touch was considered as the 
only cure in scrofula. In May, 1682, notice was given in 
a London Gazette, that as the weather was growing warm, 
his majesty would not touch any more for the king's evil, 
till after Michaelmas; and in 1687, an indigent citizen of 
New Hampshire, having tried every other means without 
effect, petitioned the Legislature for aid to transport him 
to England, for that efficacious remedy. t 

The Massachusetts Humane Society, which had been 
founded five years, upon the plan of similar associations in 

* See Ramsay's Review, 1800, p. 10, 12. 
t See Belknap's Hist. Appendix, Vol. 1. p. 81. 



Progress of Medical Science. 121 

Europe,* was incorporated in 1791, for the purposes of re- 
storing suspended animation, preserving human life, and 
alleviating its miseries. The number of members, which 
at that time was 189, has increased to 651 ; of whom many 
are of the medical faculty, whose professional attendance is 
rendered gratis, in promoting the immediate views of the 
institution. It is governed by a president t and board of 
trustees. Publick discourses, all of which are published, 
are delivered at the annual meetings of the Society, and the 
physicians who have officiated on these occasions are, Ben- 
jamin Waterhouse, in 1790; John Bartlett, in 1792; John 
Brooks, in 1795; John Fleet, in 1797; Isaac Hurd, in 
1799; John C. Howard, in 1804; and Thomas Danforth, 
in 1808; these, with the alternate performances of the 
clergy, are correct specimens of talents and piety. 

In 1799, a complimentary premium was offered by the 
trustees, for the best communication relating to yellow 
fever in the United States, which, in 1800, was adjudged 
to Samuel Brown, who died soon after, leaving an honour- 
able testimony % of early acquirments and industry. 

Discreet and concise directions for the recovery of per- 
sons apparently dead, from drowning, strangling, suffoca- 
tion, electricity, or the use of poisons ; judicious rewards 
to such as have jeoparded their lives for the preservation of 
others ; and furnishing convenient shelters, on our sea 
coast, for ship-wrecked mariners, have extensively diffus- 
ed the benefits of this benevolent institution. The Mer- 
rimack Humane Society at Newburyport, instituted for the 
same purposes, was incorporated in 1804.§ 

The celebrated discovery of vaccination by Edward Jen- 
ner, a physician of Berkley, in Great Britain, was trans- 
mitted to this state in 1799. His observations were suc- 
ceeded by the comments of George Pearson, and a series of 
experiments, by William Woodville, the former a physi- 
cian of St. George's, and the latter of the small pox hospi- 

* The first institution of this kind was at Amsterdam, in 1767. 
t The president is John Warren. 
% See treatise on yellow fever, 1800. 

§ The president is Micajah Sawyer. 

U 



122 Progress of Medical Science. 

tals, in London, A Boston newspaper * furnishes our ear- 
liest information on this subject, by Benjamin Waterhouse, 
who in 1800, 1802, and 1810 published historical and 
practical treatises on the kine pock, in which his indefati- 
gable exertions for its extention, to every portion of our 
country,! are minutely detailed. In July, 1800, he pro- 
cured matter from Bristol in England, with which his son 
was the first person inoculated in the United States. From 
him several others were vaccinated, some of whom were 
tested by variolous infection. J This laudable experiment 
raised the credit of a discovery, which, like every other 
novelty, was strenuously advocated by some, but disre- 
garded by others. 

In the following September, James Jackson, who had 
attended vaccination with Woodville, brought matter from 
London, which did not retain its efficacy ; but he was soon 
after supplied by Thomas Manning, who obtained it from 
Europe. Additional publications appeared, and the sub- 
ject was carefully examined. Early in 1801, the Medical 
Society directed an application to the vaccine institution in 
England for matter, and the most respectable practitioners, 
convinced of its prophylactic efficacy, engaged in its propa- 
gation. 

About this time the small pox became general in Mar- 
blehead,^ by mistaking a variolous for a vaccine patient, and 
was attended with serious consequences. A committee of 
the Medical Society was appointed to visit that place, and 
collect facts ; but two of the members could not attend at 
the time proposed, and a communication from the physi- 
cians, rendered a second attempt unnecessary. This busi- 
ness connected with other circumstances, produced a mis- 
understanding between Benjamin Waterhouse, who was 
one of the committee, and the Society, which occasioned 
an appeal to the publick|| but without essential advantages. 

* See Columbian Centinel, March 12, 1799, by Benjamin Russell, who has inserted 
many subsequent communications, relating to vaccination. 

t See part IT. 1802, p. 37. 

% See Waterhouse on Kine Pock, 1800, p. 18, 25, 1810, p. 22. 

§ A sea port town, 5660 inhabitants. 

II See Columbian Centinel, Ap. 19, June 18, 1806. There are various controver- 
sies in the Newspapers, upon medical subjects, which are not particularly noticed, 



Progress of Medical Science. 123 

In 1802, a most satisfactory experiment was conducted 
by the Board of Health,* of the metropolis, whose unremit- 
ted exertions for the prevention of contagious diseases, and 
salutary regulations to preserve cleanliness, and accommo- 
date the citizens, entitle them to commendation. The 
following is the report of the physicians on that subject. 

" With a view of ascertaining the efficacy of the cow pock 
in preventing the small pox, and of diffusing through this 
country the knowledge of such facts as might be establish- 
ed by a course of experiments, instituted for the purpose, 
and thereby removing any prejudices, which might possess 
the publick mind on the subject, the Board of Health of the 
town of Boston, in the course of the last summer, came to 
a determination to invite a number of physicians to co-op- 
erate with them on this important design ; and with a lib- 
erality becoming enlightened citizens, erected a Hospital 
on Noddle's Island, for carrying it into execution. Ac- 
cordingly, on the 16th of August last, nineteen boys were 
inoculated for the cow pock at the office, and in presence 
of the above mentioned Board, with fresh, transparent cow 
pock matter, taken from the arms of a number of patients 
then under this disease. These all received and passed 
through the disease to the complete satisfaction of every 
person present, conversant with the disease. 

" On the 9th of November, twelve of the above chil- 
dren together with George Bartlett,f who had passed 
through the cow pock two years before, were inoculated 
for the small pox on Noddle's Island, with matter taken 
from a small pox patient in the most infectious stage of 
that disease. The arms of these lads became inflamed at 
the incisions, in proportion to the various irritability of their 
habits, but not to a degree greater than what any other 
foreign, virulent matter would have produced. The small 
pox matter excited no general indisposition whatever, 
through the whole progress of the experiments, though 
the children took no medicines, but were indulged in their 

from a belief, that their tendency is rather to amuse the publick, than benefit the 
parties, or dignify the profession. 

* Thomas Welsh is physician to the Board, and has sustained that office thirteen 
years. 

t The son of the author of this history, and who was the first person he vaccinated. 



124 Progress of Medical Science. 

usual modes of living and exercise ; and were all lodged 
promiscuously in one room. 

" At the same time and place, in order to prove the activ- 
ity of the small pox matter, which had been used, two lads, 
who had never had either the small pox or cow pock, were 
inoculated from the same matter. At the usual time, the 
arms of these two patients exhibited the true appearance 
of the small pox. A severe eruptive fever ensued, and pro- 
duced a plenteous crop of small pox pustules, amounting 
by estimation, to more than five hundred in one, and two 
hundred in the other. 

" When these pestules were at the highest state of infec- 
tion, the thirteen children before mentioned, were inoculat- 
ed a second time, with recent matter, taken from the pus- 
tules, which said matter was likewise inserted into the arms 
of the seven other children, who were absent at the first 
inoculation. They were all exposed, most of them for 
twenty days, to infection, by being in the same room with 
the two boys, who had the small pox, so that, if suscepti- 
ble of this disease, they must inevitably have received it, 
if not by inoculation, in the natural w r ay. 

" Each of the children was examined by the subscribers, 
who were individually convinced from the inspection of 
their arms, their perfect state of health, and exemption 
from every kind of eruption on their bodies, that the cow 
pock prevented their taking the small pox, and they do 
therefore consider the result of the experiment as satisfac- 
tory evidence, that the cow pock is a complete security 
against the small pox." 

James Lloyd, Benjamin Waterhouse, 

Samuel Danforth, Josiah Bartlett, 

Isaac Rand, John Fleet, Jun. 

John Jeffries, John C. Howard, 

John Warren, Thomas Danforth. 

Thomas Welsh, 

A vaccine institution was formed in 1803, by the junior 
physicians of Boston, for gratuitous inoculation of the in- 
digent, and was continued whilst patients presented them- 
selves to receive it. 

In 1808, a committee was appointed by the counsellors 
of the Medical Society, to obtain further evidence of this 



Progress of Medical Science, \25 

disease as a preventive of small pox, and report the best 
method of conducting the practice. A copious and inter- 
esting statement was made to the Society at the annual 
meeting, which is published in their communications.* 
In 1809, the fellows were specially enjoined to discover if 
the disorder exists in the cows of this country, and sev- 
eral instances are related to establish the fact. 

The town of Milton was the first in a corporate capacity 
to extend the benefits of vaccination to its inhabitants. In 
1809, three hundred and thirty-seven persons, of all ages and 
conditions, more than a fourth of the population were in- 
oculated in a short period, by Amos Holbrook ; twelve of 
whom were afterward tested with small pox. The pro- 
ceedings are minutely detailed, by a committee who su- 
perintended the business.f About this time fifteen hun- 
dred were vaccinated on a similar plan, at New Bedford,! 
under the direction of Benjamin Waterhouse. 

At the session of the General Court, in March, 1810, 
the respective towns in the state were directed to appoint 
committees, to superintend, and were authorized to raise 
monies annually, to defray the expenses of vaccination, 
which, if properly conducted, will essentially conduce to 
the publick welfare, as many individuals must eventually 
suffer by the uncertain and injudicious practice of inoculat- 
ing each other,§ without the judgment of experienced 
practitioners. 

In 1 8 1 1 , a general vaccination was proposed by the phy- 
sicians of Boston, and gratuitously to such as were recom- 
mended by the members of the Board of Health, or the 
Overseers of the Poor. Great numbers were inoculated. 
About the same time Benjamin Waterhouse proposed a 
gratuitous inoculation to all sailors, for which it is said, he 
was remunerated by William Gray, an eminent merchant. 
The Marine Hospital || of the United States, established 
i at Charlestown in 1803, was opened at Fort Independence 

* Vol. I. Appendix to No. 2, part I. 

t See Pamphlet, Nov. 1809. 

$ See New Bedford Mercury, Oct. 1809. This town hss 3300 inhabitants. 

§ The writer has frequently examined cases of this kind, which he supposed to be 
spurious. 

II The Marine Hospital is 100 feet by 40, two stories high, and a basement ; it is 
accommodated with kitchens, a spacious hall, and nineteen rooms, with a garden spot 



126 Progress of Medical Science. 

in 1799, and is supported by a monthly assessment on sea- 
men. Its object is the reception of sick or disabled offi- 
cers and sailors, in the service of the publick or of mer- 
chants.* This important accommodation is well adapted 
for an observance of the diseases of foreign climates, and 
the casualties to which this valuable class of society are 
peculiarly liable. 

The Boston Alms House,f from the nature of its estab- 
lishment, and the condition of its inhabitants, may be just- 
ly considered as combining, with the kind offices of hu- 
manity to meritorious objects, and exemplary reproof to 
idleness and vice, an improvement of the healing art. The 
medical department is under the direction of the professors 
of the university, who furnish medicines and attendance, 
without expence to the town. It affords an extensive ac- 
quaintance with the complaints of venerable age, respect- 
ed indigence, intemperance, and unguarded seduction ; and 
is an important resort for the members of the medical 
school, and other candidates for practice. Clinical lectures 
were delivered at this place in 1809, by James Jackson, 
with great advantage to students in medicine. 

Proposals were made about four years ago, for the de- 
livery of anatomical lectures, at Fryeburg, in the District 
of Maine, by Alexander Ramsay, a native of Scotland, and 
for medical lectures at Plymouth, by James Thacher ; but 
we have no information of their success. 

Useful lectures on anatomy and surgery, by John C. 
Warren, and on chemistry, by John Gorham, were deliv- 
ered in Boston for about two years before the removal of 
the medical school from Cambridge. Lectures on anatomy 
and surgery, from about the same period, have been annu- 
ally delivered in Boston, by William Ingalls, who is ap- 
pointed professor in Brown University, in the state of 
Rhode Island. 

of five acres. The average number of patients is stated at thirty. It is controlled by 
the collector of the customs, and conducted by an overseer or steward, under the di- 
rection of the surgeon, who is David Townsend. His predecessors were Benjamin 
Waterhouse in 1808, Charles Jarvis in 1804, and Thomas Welsh in 1799. 

* See Act of Congress, July 16, 1798. 

t The Boston alms house is a spacious, well constructed edifice, with kitchens, a 
chapel, and 48 other apartments. It is governed by the overseers of the poor, and 
is conducted by a master, with proper assistants. The average number of inhabi- 
tants, for the two past years, is about 350, of whom 130 are state paupers. The sub- 



Progress of Medical Science. 127 

There is an institution named the Boylston Medical So- 
ciety, founded in 1810, which consists of young practition- 
ers, and pupils of the medical school. The design is mu- 
tual improvement in the profession. 

There are many institutions in our sea ports, and other 
populous towns, evincive of a laudable attention to the 
cause of benevolence, particularly the Boston Dispensary, 
incorporated in 1801, and conducted by a board of mana- 
gers. Physicians are appointed to attend indigent persons 
at their own houses, who are also supplied with medicines 
and refreshments at the expence of the corporation. 

At the State Prison,* erected in Charlestown in 1805, 
is an appropriate medical establishment, which affords an 
acquaintance with the diseases peculiar to such institutions ; 
and the beneficial effect of changes in the human body, 
from excess and idleness, to temperance and labour. 

The bathing houses in Boston, Salem, and elsewhere, 
are so important in the prevention and cure of diseases, 
that we may justly recommend their extension ; and the 
advantages of such establishments are ably delineated in 
the discourse by Isaac Rand in 1804.f 

In 1811, a petition was presented to the Legislature for 
the establishment of a General Hospital ; and the following 
is a report upon that subject : 

" The Committee of both Houses, to whom was refer- 
red the petition of James Bowdoin and others, praying for 

jects of admission are the meritorious poor, unfortunate females, vagrants (who are 
kept employed) and maniacs. The usual number of sick and infirm is about 50. 

* The Massachusetts state prison is said to be as secure as any in the world. It is 
200 feet long, 44 wide, and 38 high, containing 90 cells for convicts, with kitchens, con- 
venient rooms for officers, and guards, a chapel, hospital, store, workshops, and bath- 
ing place. The yard, in which is a garden, is encompassed with a stone wall, 375 by 
260, and 15 feet high, on which the guards are stationed. The institution is under the 
inspection of the supreme executive of the state, and the Justices of the S. J. Court, 
who constitute the visitors, and are required by law to make an annual examination, 
but the immediate charge is with a board of three directors, and a warden. The 
number of convicts admitted from the opening of the prison in December, 1805, is 
544, of whom 250 have been discharged, 73 pardoned, 5 escaped, 20 died, 1 shot, 
and 192 remain, January 1, 1813. No epidemic has prevailed, and the prisoners, 
have enjoyed remarkable health. The physician is Josiah Bartlett. 

t Economical bathing places may be prepared at distilleries, by apartments near 
the worm tubs ; from the lower and upper parts of which (the former furnishing 
cold, and the latter hot water) tubes may lead to the bathing tubs. An accommoda- 
tion of this kind, prepared by Aaron Putnam, formerly a practitioner in medicine^ 
is at the distillery of Matthew Bridge in Charlestown, 



128 Progress of Medical Science. 

the aid of the government in the establishment of a Gen- 
eral Hospital, for the reception of sick and insane persons, 
have attended that service, and beg leave respectfully to 
state, for the consideration of the Legislature, the princi- 
pal objects of the proposed institution, the nature of the 
aid solicited from the government, and the most promi- 
nent advantages, which, in the opinion of your Commit- 
tee, would accrue to the Commonwealth, from granting 
the prayer of the petition. 

" A number of opulent and charitable citizens of Boston 
and the vicinity (among whom are the petitioners) having 
contemplated the advantages which have resulted to other 
countries, and to some of our sister states, particularly 
New- York and Pennsylvania, from the establishment of 
similar institutions, have been long desirous of raising a 
fund, by private subscription, for this benevolent purpose. 
They wait only for the countenance and patronage of the 
Legislature, in laying a foundation for such an establish- 
ment, as a signal to commence their operations, and to 
proceed in the execution of their humane and honourable 
project. 

" It is contemplated by the petitioners, that the propos- 
ed Hospital shall be erected in the vicinity of the metropo- 
lis, in some healthy and retired situation, on a plat of ground 
sufficiently extensive to afford air and exercise for patients 
of every description, and for the erection of all necessary 
offices, connected with the institution ; that the scite of 
these buildings shall be so remote from the town, as to be 
exempted from the confusion of a large and populous city ; 
and yet so near as to insure the best medical assistance, 
and the advantages to be derived to the community from 
improvement in medical science. 

" The Hospital, thus established, is intended to be a re- 
ceptacle for patients from all parts of the Commonwealth, 
afflicted with diseases of a peculiar nature, requiring the 
most skilful treatment, and presenting cases for instruction, 
in the study and practice of surgery and physic. 

" Among the unfortunate objects of this charitable pro- 
ject, particular provision is to be made, for such as the 
wisdom of Providence may have seen fit to visit with the 
most terrible of all human maladies — a deprivation of rea- 
son. 



Progress of Medical Science. 129 

" For the accommodation of lunatic and insane persons 
an arrangement is intended, either by the erection of a 
separate building, or by appropriating different wards in 
the same building, detached in such a manner as will ef- 
fectually guard against the injuries resulting from an in- 
discriminate communion with patients of a different des- 
cription. 

" From the information which your Committee have 
received, as to the result of experiments in the cities of New 
York and Philadelphia, as well as from the opinions of 
professional gentlemen, of the highest reputation and most 
extensive experience, your Committee are fully convinced 
a Lunatic Hospital may be conveniently and advantage- 
ously connected with one for the reception of the patients. 
While, therefore, every possible comfort and relief, which 
the most skilful practice and attentive nursing can afford, 
is to be extended to a class of patients, comparatively few* 
and whose long continuance in a Hospital, exclusively de- 
voted to them, would necessarily limit the advantages of 
such an institution, the circle of charity is to be more 
widely extended, by embracing all, whose bodily diseases 
and situation in life, may render them proper subjects of 
admission to a General Hospital. 

" Your Committee think it unnecessary to attempt a pre- 
cise enumeration of all, who are contemplated by the pe- 
titioners to come within the scope of their project. Per- 
sons of every age and sex, whether permanent inhabitants 
of the town, or occasional residents therein, citizens of ev- 
ery part of the Commonwealth, as well as strangers, from 
other states and countries, those in indigent circumstances, 
who, while in health, can gain by their labour a subsist- 
ance for themselves and families, but, when assailed by 
disease are deprived of the ordinary comforts of life, and 
by such privations become the victims of disorders, which 
would yield to salubrious air, suitable medicine and regi- 
men, accompanied by the united efforts of the physician 
and the nurse, these are among that wretched portion of 
the community, for whom it is intended to open a tranquil 
and comfortable asylum. 

" Of the persons thus enumerated, your Committee are 
assured, by the most respectable authority, that one in 
w 



130 Progress of Medical Science. 

three who annually die, might, by proper accommodations, 
skilful treatment, and faithful nursing, in all probability, 
be snatched from the grave, and restored to health and 
usefulness in society. But it is not to the indigent alone 
that the advantages of this institution are to be extended. 
Experience in other states has proved, that persons requir- 
ing the best surgical and medical aid, and having the 
means of defraying the moderate expenses incident to such 
a situation, will frequently, from choice, resort to a Hospi- 
tal, as furnishing the most convenient accommodations, 
and the surest means of restoration to health. 

" This brief exposition of the benevolent views of the pe- 
titioners, it is confidently hoped, will satisfy an enlighten- 
ed Legislature, that the project is not the result of a narrow 
and seliish policy, intended to secure to the inhabitants of 
the metropolis, local privileges and advantages, at the ex- 
pense of the Commonwealth. 

" When it is considered how great a portion of the popu- 
lation of the town of Boston is composed of mechanicks, 
journeymen and apprentices, labourers anddomestic ser- 
vants, mere sojourners in the city, with no connexions near 
at hand ready to pour oil and wine into their wounds, when 
they are in need of relief, it cannot be doubted, that the 
plan of a General Hospital, is the offspring of a liberal and 
expansive benevolence, ranging far beyond the confines of 
a single town, and seeking for objects of solace and com- 
fort among the whole family of man ! 

" As to the aid which the petitioners solicit from the 
Legislature, your Committee are fully satisfied it is by no 
means beyond the importance of their object and for which 
the Commonwealth will forever receive, a most ample 
equivalent, in the publick advantages to be derived from 
the proposed institution. — -They ask for an act of incorpor- 
ation, to enable them to manage their funds in such a man- 
ner, as to ensure the success of their project. — They ask, i 
also, for a grant of the province house, the value of which \ 
may be estimated at from thirty to forty thousand dollars. | 
This estate, it is well known, has long been unproductive, j 
and is daily diminishing in value. 

" By the terms of the proposed grant, according to the re- 
quest of the petitioners, it is not to take effect, until the 



Progress of Medical Science. 131 

sum of one hundred thousand dollars, shall have been 
raised by private subscription or donation. This sum, it 
is well ascertained, will be furnished by the voluntary con- 
tributions of the petitioners, and other opulent individuals, 
who are zealously engaged in the project, and who are 
ready to erect the superstructure, whenever the corner stone 
shall have been laid by the Commonwealth. Although 
this sum, with the proposed grant, would not be adequate 
to the perfect accomplishment of tho plan, yet no reasona- 
ble doubt can exist, that the progressive accumulation of 
the fund, from the munificence of other individuals, who 
will be eager to "go -and do likewise," will ensure its 
speedy and effectual execution. 

" Among the paupers in the alms-house, in the town of 
Boston, who are chargeable to the Commonwealth, there 
are at this time fifty five invalids, who are supported at 
the rate of one dollar and fifty cents per week, making, in 
the whole, an expence of four thousand two hundred and 
ninety dollars per annum. Were the proposed Hospital 
now in operation, most of these patients would be at once 
transferred to it, where they would be attended without any 
charge to the government, and an annual expenditure from 
the publick treasury would thus be saved, far exceeding the 
interest of the property proposed to be granted. 

" When it is considered how many sick and disabled 
paupers are supported in other parts of the Commonwealth 
at the charge of the government, who would be entitled 
to a place in this general asylum, and how rapidly this 
expence is increasing, by the constant influx of foreigners, 
it is believed the most rigid calculation will warrant the 
inference, that the proposed appropriation would be a gain 
to the treasury, and an alleviation of the burdens of the 
people. 

" In this view of the subject, the petitioners may be con- 
sidered, as rather soliciting for an opportunity to give to 
the publick, than as requesting a grant for mere local ad- 
vantage, or individual emolument. 

" The immense benefits to be derived from a General 
Hospital, as a school for improvement in surgery and 
physic, are too obvious to require illustration. It is well 
understood that for want of such an institution, many 



132 Progress of Medical Science. 

students belonging to Massachusetts, resort annually to 
New-York or Philadelphia, for the completion of their 
medical education. The location of the proposed Hospital, 
is intended to be such as will accommodate students in the 
metropolis, and at the University in Cambridge, and the 
skill thus acquired, by the increased means of instruction, 
will be gradually, and constantly diffused, through every 
section of the Commonwealth. 

" Influenced by these considerations, and deeply impress- 
ed with the belief, that the object of the petitioners is high- 
ly honourable to themselves, and would conduce to the 
glory of the Commonwealth ; contemplating the permanent 
nature of the intended institution, and reflecting that it is the 
duty of enlightened Legislators to provide not only for 
the present generation, but to be active and vigilant in ad- 
vancing the happiness of their posterity, your Committee 
most cheerfully accord with the benevolent wishes of the 
petitioners, and report that they have leave to bring in a 
bill conformable to the prayer of their petition ; which is 
respectfully submitted." 

The above report was accepted, and an act passed* in- 
corporating the petitioners and others who become mem- 
bers, by the name of the Massachusetts General Hospital, 
with full power to conduct the same. The governour, 
lieutenant governour, president of the senate, speaker of 
the house of representatives, and chaplains of the general 
court for the time being, are a board of visitors, with 
authority to inspect the institution, examine, and (when 
they think proper) annul the by-laws, and to see that the 
regulations are carried into effect. 

In consideration of an obligation on the corporation to 
support at least thirty state paupers, the province house 
and its appurtenances were granted, on condition that one 
hundred thousand dollars were added to the establishment 
in five years from passing the act. 

There have been several meetings of the corporation; 
officers are elected ; a minute code of by-laws were re- 
ported by a committee, and are published in a pamphlet ; 
but the institution is not yet in operation. 

* February 25, 1811. 



Progress of Medical Science. 133 

In 1811, the following was presented to the Legislature. 

" To the Honourable the Senate, and the Honourable the 
House of Representatives, in General Court assembled, 
this petition most respectfully sheweth : — 

" That seeing health is a blessing, which sweetens all our 
enjoyments ; and long life that which all men naturally de- 
sire, so every thing that tendeth to secure the one or lead- 
eth to the other, is an object worthy the attention of this 
Legislature. 

" And considering, moreover, that of the various methods 
of obtaining and diffusing medical knowledge, not one is 
found so effectual and desirable as a friendly and liberal in- 
tercourse and honourable associations of its professors ; 
more especially when their end and aim is mutual im- 
provement and the public good ; and experience has 
proved that two literary and scientific societies produce 
more than double the advantage of one — 

" Influenced by these sentiments, we your petitioners 
humbly pray the Honourable the Legislature to constitute 
us, and such as may hereafter associate with us, a body 
politic and corporate, by the name and title of the Massa- 
chusetts College of Physicians; with such powers, privi- 
leges and immunities, as other medical associations of the 
like nature and views enjoy, under the same denomina- 
tion, in several states of the union. 

" And your petitioners shall, as in duty bound, ever pray. 

Thomas Williams. James Mann. 

Samuel Danforth. Charles Winship. 

Marshal Spring. Abijah Draper, 

Nath. Ames. Joseph Lovell. 

William Aspinwall. Jacob Gates. 

John Jeffries. William Ingalls." 

This petition was committed in the House of Represen- 
tatives, and on the 18th of February, the subject matter was 
referred to the first session of the next General Court. 

At the annual meeting of the Massachusetts Medical 
Society in June, 1811, seventy two members being pres- 
ent, the following remonstrance was directed with but one 
dissenting voice. 



134 Progress of Medical Science. 

" To the Honourable the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives of the Commonwealth oj Massachusetts. 

" The Massachusetts Medical Society, in consequence 
of an application to the General Court in February last, for 
the incorporation of a College of Physicians, beg leave re- 
spectfully to represent, 

"That the said Massachusetts Medical Society was estab- 
lished in November, 1781, with power to elect officers, ex- 
amine and licence candidates for practice, hold estate, and 
perpetuate its existence as a body corporate. In June, 1782, 
the society was organized agreeably to the provisions of the 
statute, and the members directed in every way to extend 
and increase its usefulness. By an additional act of the 
General Court in February, 1789, authority was given to 
point out and describe such a mode of medical instruction 
as might be deemed requisite for candidates previous to 
examination ; which important duty has been constantly 
attended to, and occasionally revised. By a farther addi- 
tional act in March, 1 803, as the society was thought too 
limited to answer the purposes of its establishment, its state 
was so essentially changed, that the number of its fellows 
originally limited to seventy,"may embrace all respectable 
physicians and surgeons resident in the state; and that dis- 
trict societies may be established in such places as will fa- 
cilitate medical improvement, and prevent the inconven- 
ience of applying in all cases to the censors in Boston for 
an examination. 

" In consequence of this provision, several district socie- 
ties are formed, and are in a prosperous condition, cultiva- 
ting medical science, and qualifying candidates, in various 
parts of the commonwealth. It has been the constant en- 
deavour of the society, without reference to local or polit- 
ical considerations, to admit the most respectable practi- 
tioners in every section of the state, and they are desirous 
to elect all others of known talents who, by accident or 
from any other cause, are not admitted. 

" The number of candidates licensed for practice by the 
society is more than eighty, all of whom, as well as all 
bachelors of medicine in Harvard University, may claim 
admission as fellows of the society, after three years prac- 
tice. 



Progress of Medical Science. 135 

"The present number of fellows exceeds two hundred. 
Publications of important cases communicated to the socie- 
ty ; of a Parmacopaeia, which is now in general use ; and 
of Dissertations read at the meetings, have been made as 
often as the funds would possibly admit; committees have 
been appointed to investigate the nature, causes and cure 
of epidemics, and the result of their inquiries communicat- 
ed to the publick. The greatest harmony has distinguish- 
ed their proceedings. No mention was ever made, as has 
been insinuated, of regulating fees in practice. The sole 
object of the society has been to promote the design of its 
institution, and the fellows have been led to believe by the 
constant patronage and support of the Legislature, as well 
as the public voice, that their conduct has been approved. 

" It is scarcely necessary to remark, that, from the state 
of medical science, at the incorporation of the society, its 
progress, for several years, was slow, and that it was less 
useful than could have been wished ; but by the aid and 
co-operation of the flourishing medical school at the Uni- 
versity, it is at this time in a most prosperous state ; and 
it is the united endeavour of all to promote medical in- 
struction, and discourage unworthy practices. 

"It is found on examination that the petition on the files 
of the General Court, for a College of Physicians, is for 
similar powers and privileges with this society, on the 
ground, that " two literary and scientific societies, would 
produce more than double the advantages of one." — 
The society presume not to dictate to the Legislature 
on this important subject ; but they beg leave respect- 
fully to offer an opinion, that the establishment of such an 
institution, can effect no object, not accomplished by ex- 
isting societies, and would be so far from promoting a 
laudable and useful emulation, that candidates rejected by 
one society would resort to the other, with the greatest 
hopes of success, whatever might be their qualifications 
for the proper exercise of their profession. Hence would 
arise disagreements and animosities, which in other parts 
of the United States (particularly in Philadelphia at a for- 
mer period, and very recently at New- York) have been in- 
jurious to the profession and to the public. Such animos- 
ities were threatened in the infancy of this establishment, 



136 Progress of Medical Science. 

by a supposed interference of Harvard College, with the 
rights of the society, and would have produced the most 
unhappy effects, but for the repeal of an exceptionable 
article in that establishment, and the accommodating con- 
duct of those who at that period were the guardians of sci- 
ence and the patrons of the healing art. 

"From these considerations, and from other circumstan- 
ces which the Medical Society are prepared to state, they 
have thought it an incumbent duty to request that the 
prayer of the said petition should not be granted, and they 
as in duty bound will ever pray. 

In behalf of the Society, 

JOHN WARREN, President." 

Boston, June 5, 1811. 

On the 14th of June, the petition and remonstrance were 
submitted to a committee of both houses, who reported, 
that the importance of the subject required more time and 
attention than the Legislature could then bestow, and that 
the farther consideration should be referred to the next 
session, which was accepted. 

From this time to the meeting of the Legislature the 
subject of the proposed college was discussed in news- 
papers, literary societies and private circles. Pamphlets* 
were published and circulated among the members of the 
General Court and others, in which were stated the argu- 
ments, for and against the plan. Some of the petitioners, 
whose zeal in the business was supposed to arise rather from 
personal than public considerations, attempted to give it a 
political bearing, and by that means to succeed ; this was 
displeasing to others, who had been solicited to lend their 
names,f and who stated in writing, that they had no in- 
tention to create excitements, or interfere with existing 
institutions. 

The speech of Governor Gerry, at the commencement 
of the session, containing the following remarks : 

* See a letter to a member of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, Jan. 1, 
1812, printed by John Eliot, jun. An answer to that letter, Jan. 20, printed by- 
True and Rowe. Also a reply to that answer, printed in February ; and the Boston 
newspapers of that period. 

t Thomas Williams, Samuel Danforth, Nathaniel Ames, William Aspinwall, and 
John Jeffries, neither of whom appeared to take any part in the transaction. 



Progress of Medical Science, 137 

ti Many institutions in this commonwealth, which have 
promised great benefit to the publick, would have met 
with more success, had similar corporations been establish- 
ed. When only one of any kind is permitted, it too fre- 
quently happens, that a majority of individuals composing 
it, indulge their private views and interests, to the exclu- 
sion of men, of the most enlarged, liberal, and informed 
minds; and thus destroy the reputation and usefulness of the 
society itself. The multiplication of such institutions, has 
a tendency, not only to prevent this evil, which is an opiate 
to genius, but to produce a competition, and to promote in 
the highest degree the utility of such establishments." 

In Feb. 1812, the committee of the legislature met at 
the senate chamber, which was filled with spectators. James 
Mann, William Ingalls, Abijah Draper, and Joseph Lovell, 
attended to support the petition ; David Townsend, John 
Warren, Thomas Welsh, Aaron Dexter, Josiah Bartlett, 
William Spooner, and Benjamin ShurtlefT as a committee 
from the Medical Society to defend the remonstrance. 
The petition was also advocated by Benjamin Waterhouse, 
professor of physic in the university, who, with Leonard 
Jarvis, Edward Whitaker, Daniel Thurber, and Nathaniel 
S. Prentiss, had added their names to the subscribers. 
This occasioned a reply from James Jackson, clinical pro- 
fessor, in behalf of the medical institution at Cambridge, 
as it was generally understood that a new medical school 
would be attached to the proposed establishment. The par- 
ties were indulged with a long and patient hearing. On 
the day following, the committee (it was said by a bare ma- 
jority) reported so far in favour of the petitioners, as that 
they should have leave to bring in a bill, which was accept- 
ed in the senate. The following are the proceedings of the 
house of representatives. 

" The report of a joint committee which had given leave 
for the introduction of a bill to incorporate a College of 
Physicians, and which report had been accepted in the 
senate, was taken up, when the house non-concurred and 
refused leave to bring in a bill. 

" It was moved to reconsider the vote. This motion, 
which involved all the merits of the question, was advo- 
cated by the mover and others, opposed by many, and was 



138 Progress of Medical Science. 

negatived- For it 195. Against it 211. The debate was 
animated, interesting, and lasted three hours. The gentle- 
men of the committee which reported the leave stated, 
that in the examinations before them, they found nothing 
to support nor justify the numerous insinuations and re- 
ports which had been circulated in print and in out-door 
conversation, tending to implicate and injure the existing 
Medical Society ; but that the society has stood, and now 
stands on high ground for usefulness, impartiality, and re- 
spectability. It was clearly demonstrated, though at- 
tempts were made out doors to make it a party question, 
that the institution asked for is unnecessary, and that if 
granted would produce great dissentions among the facul- 
ty, and be highly injurious to the community."* 

There has been no subject since the business of inoc- 
ulation for the small pox in 1720, that created so much 
misunderstanding and controversy among physicians ; but 
they have happily subsided. 

About forty three years have elapsed, since the celebra- 
ted works of Cullen, founded on the hypothesis of Hoff- 
man, a cotemporary of Boerhaave, were introduced, and 
extensively circulated ; and though succeeded by the in- 
genious theories of Brown, Darwin and Rush, they still 
retain an important rank in our schools of medicine. To 
enumerate the valuable practical productions of others, or 
display the talents and industry successfully exerted with- 
in that period, in cultivating and improving the various 
branches of the profession, would exceed the limits of this 
sketch. After naming the Bells and Cooper, in anatomy, 
physiology, and surgery; Denman and Hamilton, in ob- 
stetrics ; Priestley and Davy, in chemistry ; Aikin and 
Murray, in materia medica, the reader must be referred 
to the valuable libraries of the University, the Massachu- 
setts Medical Society, the district societies, and the associ- 
ated physicians of Boston. f These, with professional 
books belonging to the Academy of Arts and Sciences, 
the Historical Society, instituted in 1791, for the collection 
and preservation of useful information, the Boston Athe- 

* Columbian Centinel, Feb. 1812. 

t The physicians of Boston have a code of regulations for their conduct to each 
other, which is worthy of imitation. See Boston medical police, March, 1808. 



Progress of Medical Science. 139 

naeum, established in 1807, an instructive resort for the 
scholar or philosopher, and with the extensive collections 
of distinguished practitioners, in every part of the state, 
afford an unlimited supply of medical literature, from the 
most remote antiquity to the present time* 

Twenty nine foreign medical works have been reprinted 
in Massachusetts, sixteen of which were either in whole, 
or in connection with others, by Isaiah Thomas; who re- 
marks, that the United States afford editions of most of the 
medical writings that have a currency in this country. 

From about the middle of the seventeenth century there 
are many of the medical faculty, in addition to those who 
are named in this history, respectfully mentioned by bio- 
graphical writers,* and in the gazettesf of their respec- 
tive times. With an intention to particularise, a review of 
obituary notices was attempted ; but though the task was 
too arduous for the necessary avocations of the author, and 
too delicate for a just discrimination, he discovered in eve- 
ry period the names of eminent physicians and surgeons, 
highly honoured as philosophers, civilians, magistrates, or- 
ators, and warriors, who were ornaments to their country, 
and an example for posterity. 

Charlestown, Middlesex, Jan. 1, 1813. 



*See Biographical and Historical Dictionaries, by John Eliot, and by William 
Allen \ which are of great value to inquirers for the distinguished characters of our 
country. 

t See files of Newspapers, at the Hist. Society, 



140 State of religious Liberty in New York. 



[copied from a manuscript found in the cabinet 
of president stiles. by a. holmes.] 

A brief View of the State of religious Liberty in the Colony 
of New York, read before the Reverend General Conven- 
tion of the Delegates from the associated Churches of 
Connecticut, and the Synod of New York and Philadel- 
phia, met at Stanford, Sept. the 1st, 177 3. 

The colony of New York was discovered in the year 
1608, and began to be settled in 1610, under the states 
general of the Netherlands, who granted it to their West 
India Company, and called it New Netherlands. A regu- 
lar government being established, it was peopled from 
Holland, and was tolerably settled at the time it was con- 
quered by the English in 1664. 

The West India Company being in Amsterdam, the 
Dutch missionaries who came out. to this country were 
connected with the classis of that city, and under their care, 
and this gave rise to their claim of ecclesiastical dominion 
over the Dutch ministers and churches of this and the 
neighbouring province of New Jersey, and which they re- 
signed but the year before last. It need not be said that 
the Dutch are Calvinists in doctrine, and Presbyterians in 
point of government, worship and discipline ; and their 
churches in this colony continue so to this day. 

At the conquest in 1664, there was a surrender upon 
terms, and the Dutch took care to insert the following short 
article in favour of their religious liberty : " The Dutch 
here shall enjoy the liberty of their consciences in divine 
worship and church discipline." Article 8th. This is all 
that is said on the subject of religion in the articles of 
capitulation which were signed August 27th of that year. 

On the twelfth of March in the same year, this colony 
with all that tract of country, that now constitutes the prov- 
ince of New Jersey, was given by King Charles the sec- 
ond to his brother James, then duke of York. The duke, 
immediately after the conquest, published a proclamation 
for the encouragement of the settlement of the country, 
and among other articles are the two following : 



State of religious Liberty in New York. 141 

"1. In all territories of his royal highness liberty of 
conscience is allowed, provided such liberty is not convert- 
ed to licentiousness, or the disturbance of others in the ex- 
ercise of the Prostestant religion. 

" 2. Every township shall be obliged to pay their min- 
ister, according to such agreement as they shall make with 
him ; and no man to refuse his proportion, the minister 
being elected by the major part of the householders, in- 
habitants of the town." 

Encouraged by these privileges, many respctable 
French Protestant families came into this province about 
the time of the revocation of the edict of Nantz, and set- 
tled in the city of New York, at New Rochelle, in West 
Chester county, on Staten Island, and a few at New Paltz 
in Ulster county. These all adopted and adhered to the 
doctrines, worship, and discipline of Calvin. 

The eastern part of Long Island was settled from New 
England when this colony was in the hands of the Dutch, 
and was claimed by Connecticut, as a part of its territory. 
The whole colony therefore was settled with non-episco- 
palians, chiefly Presbyterians, except a few Episcopal fam- 
ilies in the city of New York, when Colonel Fletcher, the 
governor for the time being, projected the scheme of a 
general tax for building churches and supporting Episcopal 
ministers in the year 1693. This however he could not 
effect in all the extent he wished for. True he obtained a 
law that year from an ignorant and pusillanimous assembly 
by the various arts of chicanery accompanied with threats, 
entitled " An act for settling a ministry and raising a main- 
tenance for them in the city of New York, county of 
Richmond, West Chester, and Queen's county." By 
this act one hundred pounds per annum was to be raised 
in the city and county of New York, for one minister ; one 
hundred pounds in West Chester county to be divided be- 
tween two ministers, each to have fifty pounds per annum ; 
one hundred and twenty pounds in Queen's county to be 
divided between two ministers, each to have sixty pounds 
per annum ; and forty pounds in Richmond county for one 
minister. This money was to be raised by tax laid on all 
the inhabitants of said city, counties and districts, by the 
vestrymen and two church wardens, who are merely civil 



142 State of religious Liberty in New York. 

officers, and to be chosen annually on the second Tuesday 
of January ; and for the due election of these vestrymen 
and fchurch wardens, all the inhabitants of the said city, 
counties and districts are to be convened by summons on 
the above day, issued by the magistrates of each county ; 
for this purpose. But this act extended only to four coun- 
ties instead of the whole province, as governor Fletcher 
desired, and at first designed ; and it is evident the assem- 
bly, which was composed almost entirely of non-episcopa- 
lians, intended it for the benefit of all Protestant ministers 
of every denomination, who should be chosen as the act 
prescribes. For though it directs that the ministers are to 
be inducted by the governor for the time being, yet it pro- 
vides that the advowson or presentation shall belong to the 
above ten vestrymen and two church wardens, who, as 
you have just heard, are eligible not by the members of 
the church of England, but by the inhabitants at large, and 
the only specification of the minister's character to be thus 
chosen is that of " a good sufficient Protestant minister," 
without saying whether he shall be Episcopal or Presby- 
terian. And agreeably hereto, the assembly in 1695 en- 
tered a vote on their journals, April the twelfth, in the fol- 
lowing words : " That the vestrymen and church wardens 
have power to call a dissenting Protestant minister, and 
that he is to be paid and maintained as the act directs." 
The design of this was to refute a claim made by the few 
Episcpalians of the city as long ago as that time, that the 
provision made in said act for the support of the gospel 
was for the sole benefit of Episcopal clergymen. Matters 
however have been so managed, owing to the pusillanimity 
of the people, that the Episcopalians alone have had the 
benefit of this tax. Those in the city of New York have 
a title to it by another law obtained by them June the twen- 
ty seventh, 1 704, transferring the right of advowson, from 
the civil vestry and church wardens of the county to the . 
vestry of Trinity church ; and this same act farther incor- 
porates the rector of said church and inhabitants of the city 
of New York in communion of the Church of England, vest- 
ing them with all the powers of a body known in law, and 
enabling them to hold an estate to the yearly amount of 
five hundred pounds currency ; but expressly guards 



State of religious Liberty in New York, 143 

against abridging that liberty of conscience granted by the 
laws of England, or of this province to any other denomi- 
nation of christians. 

On the 4th of August, 1705, there was another act pas- 
sed, entitled " An act for better explaining and more ef- 
fectually putting in execution an act of General Assembly 
entitled, An act for settling a ministry and raising a main- 
tenance for them in the City of New York, county of Rich- 
mond, West Chester, and Queen's county." The princi- 
pal design of this act is to make provision for a succession 
of ministers in these four counties upon a vacancy taking 
place by the death or removal of the ministers settled by 
virtue of the first act, and in all times to come, of which 
the first act took no care, and farther providing that their 
salaries should be paid in money instead of country produce, 
as enjoined by the act of 1693; but neither of these acts of 
1693 or 1705 give any distinguishing privileges to Episco- 
palians in preference to any other denomination. And in 
consequence of this the inhabitants of Queens county re- 
fuse to pay this tax to the Episcopal minister of Jamaica* 
and deny his right to it by either of the above laws; and a 
suit in chancery is now depending for a settlement of the 
controversy. 

Besides these three acts, which are indeed the principal 
ones, there are the following of an ecclesiastical nature. 

An act passed May the sixteenth, 1669, empowering 
the trustees of each town to raise money for building 
churches, or, as they are styled in the title of the act, meet- 
ing-houses, though styled churches in the body of the act, 
and for keeping them in repair, in the same manner that 
they raise money for court-houses, gaols, and other public 
buildings ; but this law has never been acted upon, and is 
now considered as obsolete. 

Also another act against Jesuits and popish priests, who 
are prohibited the exercise of their office in the colony on 
pain of perpetual imprisonment, or in case of confinement 
and being taken, they are to* suffer death. This law was 
passed in the year 1 700, July the thirty first, principally to 
prevent the popish missionaries from Canada from practis- 
ing on the Indian allies of this province, and hereby sedu- 



144 State of religious Liberty in New York. 

cing them from their allegiance to the British crown, un- 
der the pretext of religion. 

There is another act passed June the 19th, 1703, ena- 
bling the then minister of the French Protestant church in 
this city, and his elders, who are named in the act, to sell 
their old church, and the lot on which it stood, and to pur- 
chase another lot and build another church and parsonage 
house thereon ; and giving them a kind of an incorpora- 
tion for these purposes, though a very imperfect one. 

There is another act obliging the vestrymen chosen in 
the city and county of New York, and in the counties of 
Richmond, Queens and West Chester, by virtue of the first 
ministry act as it is called in 1693, to take an oath faith- 
fully and impartially to assess every freeholder and inhabit- 
ant of said city and counties for raising the sums specified 
therein; and empowering any single justice in the county 
to administer said oath. This act was passed July 27, 1 721 . 

There is also another act passed in the year 1744, chang- 
ing the time of electing the vestrymen and church wardens 
in Richmond county from the second Tuesday in January, 
the time fixed by the act in 1693, to the third Tuesday in 
May. 

And another passed November the 29th, 1745, enlarg- 
ing the number of vestrymen to be chosen in the city of 
New York, by virtue of the act of 1 693, from ten to four- 
teen, and obliging them to take an oath of the same tenor 
with that prescribed in the act of Julj 27th, 1721, which 
oath is to be administered by two justices, whereof one is 
to be of the quorum. 

Besides these there is another act of the assembly, passed 
December the twelfth, 1753, entitled "An act to enable 
the ministers, elders, and deacons of the reformed protest- 
ant Dutch church of the City of New York, to sell and dis- 
pose of their lands, tenements, and hereditaments in the 
county of West Chester, commonly called and known by 
the name of the manor of Fordham, and for granting unto 
them some farther liberties and privileges for the better 
management of their affairs, and the well ordering and gov- 
erning of their said church." This law not only empowers 
the then ministers, elders, and deacons of the Dutch 
church, to dispose of the above manor, and directs that the 



State of religious Liberty in New York. 145 

monies arising therefrom shall be laid out in the purchase 
or improvement of any lands or real estate that shall be 
more for the interest of said church, agreeably to the pious 
designs of the original donor, and for no other purposes. 
But it particularly mentions, and in the fullest manner 
confirms, the charter of incorporation which this church had 
obtained from governor Fletcher in the year 1696, and in 
some capital articles enlarges its privileges. The principal 
of these is, that whereas the charter confined them to an 
estate whose annual income should amount to no more 
- than two hundred pounds currency, by this law they are 
enabled to enlarge it to the amount of one thousand pounds 
sterling annual revenue, and that over and above the sum 
or yearly rent of two hundred pounds mentioned in the said 
charter. This act received the royal confirmation Februa- 
ry the 25th, 1755, without which, and until obtained by 
an express clause in the law itself, it was to be of no force.* 
These are all the acts of an ecclesiastical nature to be found 
i£i our code of laws, unless you include those against pro- 
faneness ; such as drunkenness, sabbath-breaking, profane 
cursing, swearing, blasphemy, and the like, of which there 
are several, and some very good ones. And perhaps the 
reason of it is, that beside the evident design of the Epis- 
copalians, though a very handful at that time, to secure to 
themselves a dominion over their brethren of other denom- 
inations, by the three first of the above acts my lord 
Cornbury, governor for the time being, in the summer of 
1702, and but a few months after his arrival, countenanced 
and supported a most cruel and ignominious persecution 
of the Presbyterians in the town of Jamaica on Long Isl- 
and, by which they were violently dispossessed of their 
church, and most dishonorably robbed of their parsonage- 
house and glebe lands by his lordship himself, and were 
many years before they recovered them. Many of the prin- 
cipal inhabitants were harassed with severe persecutions, 
heavy fines and long imprisonments, for assuming their just 



* This church has a respectable fund of about 120001. many valuable lots in the 
city of New York, and the township of Leyden six miles square in Gloucester coun- 
ty, which was granted in 1769, and is subject to no quit-rents, his majesty having 
graciously released them forever under the signet and sign manual in this present 
year, 1773. 

Y 



1 46 State of religious Liberty in New York. 

rights, and others fled out of the province to avoid the rage 
of episcopal cruelty. 

In the year 1707 his lordship gave another specimen of 
his bigotry, cruelty, and persecuting spirit, by causing Mr. 
M'Kennie and Mr. Hampton, two Presbyterian ministers 
travelling through the province, to be apprehended and im- 
prisoned for preaching each a sermon without his lordship's 
licence ; the former in the city of New York, and the lat ; 
ter at Newtown on Long Island. Mr. Hampton was after- 
wards discharged, no evidence being offered against him 
to the grand jury ; but a bill was found against Mr. 
M'Kennie, to the immortal disgrace of the jurors, most 
of whom were members of the French and Dutch church- 
es, and he stood trial, but was honorably acquitted, though 
still held in bonds by the court, till they had illegally ex- 
torted from him all the fees of his prosecution. In these 
attempts on religious liberty my lord however lost his aim ; 
and they only tended greatly to increase the load of deserv- 
ed infamy under which he fell, and finally sunk. # 

The colony in general being non-episcopalian, and fore- 
warned by the above measures, both insidious and violent, 
to give the Episcopalians a superiority over other denom- 
inations ; and withal becoming more enlightened, all the 
attempts to get the assent of the assembly to any other laws 
of so odious and discriminating a nature have been hitherto 
in vain ; and it is to be hoped will become more and more 
so ; though it is evident the Episcopalians are watching 
every opportunity for this purpose. Of this the following 
fact may serve as an instance : Colonel Phillips having pro- 
jected the scheme of episcopizing that part of his manor 
commonly called the Yonkers in West Chester county, 
for this purpose caused a petition, artfully obtained, to be 
presented to the House of Assembly on the 1 8th day of 
September, 1764, praying that the ministry act of 1693 
might be extended to that district. The house, not at- 
tending to the design, gave leave to bring a bill,* which 
was accordingly done. 

But the scheme was happily defeated by the seasonable 
and spirited opposition of a few gentlemen of the Presby- 
terian church of this city, who have repeatedly distinguish-. 

* This leave was given 27th September. 



State of religious Liberty in New York. 147 

ed themselves in defence of the liberties of their country, 
civil and religious; and the bill was accordingly rejected 
by a great majority on the twelfth of October following, 
when its tendency came to be fully understood, there be- 
ing only five votes in its favour. This measure would 
have been the more unjust, as the inhabitants of that manor 
are chiefly non-episcopalians, and like to continue so, un- 
less episcopized by such an establishment. 

I cannot with proper precision give the numbers of the 
different denominations of christians in this colony ; I shall 
however mention the following facts, and leave every one 
to judge for himself. 

By a return made to the Secretary's office, in conse- 
quence of an order issued for this purpose in the year 1771, 
it appears there were one hundred and forty eight thousand 
one hundred and twenty four inhabitants in this province 
the last year. To which if we add about eight hundred 
persons who have come into it this year from Scotland and 
the north of Ireland, and the people who have removed in- 
to Cumberland, Gloucester, and Charlotte counties, out 
of Connecticut, Massachusetts and New Hampshire gov- 
ernments since the above list was taken, the number of 
which is considerable ; and to these add the many fam- 
ilies scattered through the woods in the frontier counties 
of the province, that could not possibly be numbered with 
any degree of exactness, we may with great justice call its 
present inhabitants at least 150,000. 

To enable you to guess at the proportion the several 
denominations that compose this number bear to each oth- 
er, please to observe, that there are twenty three Dutch 
ministers settled in the province, who have congregations, 
all of which are pretty large, and most of them serve two, 
and some three churches : and there are besides twenty 
four vacant congregations, some of which are well able 
to support the gospel could they get ministers, and the rest 
by joining two, and in some places three together would 
be fully able for this purpose. 

There are forty five Presbyterian ministers in the colony 
who have fixed charges, and three who at present have 
none. The most of these congregations are large, and 
none of them very small, and there are fifteen vacant con- 



148 State of religious Liberty in New York. 

gregations, some of which are very large and very well able 
to support the gospel, and the rest by joining two together, 
and in some places three, would be sufficiently able also. 
Please to add to these, great numbers of Presbyterians, 
who are scattered in their settlements through the new 
counties of Cumberland, Gloucester, and Charlotte on the 
north-easterly parts of the province; these counties are 
settling very fast, and almost entirely by Presbyterians. 
Some of them are already populous, and there is scarce 
one in fifty of the new settlers, who is an Episcopalian. 

There are twenty one Episcopal ministers in the colo- 
ny, some of whom have large congregations, particularly in 
the city of New York, where indeed the chief strength of 
episcopacy in the province lies. Here they have three large 
churches, in which three ministers officiate; and a small 
one which has a minister of its own, not in connexion 
with his brethren. Those of that denomination are very 
respectable in this city in point of numbers and wealth, 
and have as a corporation a very great estate in lands in 
and adjoining the city, granted them by lord Cornbury, the 
greatest part of which however some persons still claim as 
their right; beside a large tract of land lying in Glouces- 
ter county, and which they have free of quit-rent. This 
tract consists of twenty five thousand acres, and was grant- 
ed March the thirty first, 1770. There were also two re- 
spectable missions in Queen's county, and two missiona- 
ries; the one at Jamaica, Newtown, and Flushing, in which 
three towns there are about one hundred Episcopal fami- 
lies ; and the other at Hempstead and Oyster Bay, rather 
larger in point of numbers, but not much. They have al- 
so a mission in Suffolk county, and two churches ; one at 
Huntington, where the congregation does not consist of 
more than twenty families, and the other at Brookhaven, 
which is still smaller. I cannot give a particular account 
of the several Episcopal congregations in the province, but 
none of them can be called large, but those I have already 
mentioned. That in the city of Albany, which is an old 
mission, and has had many essential aids from home,* and 
some worthy ministers, does not after all consist of more 

* This congregation has had 501. sterling annually out of the privy purse ever since 
Queen Ann's day ; beside the Society's bounty every year. 



State of religious Liberty in Neiv York. 149 

than thirty families. That in Schenectady, where they al- 
so have a missionary, of not more than a dozen families. 
The missionary at Fort Hunter on the Mohawks river 
preaches only to the Indians and a few whites in the neigh- 
bourhood. There is also a very small number of Episco- 
palians at Johnstown and parts adjacent in Tryon county, 
where Sir William Johnson notwithstanding has a cler- 
gyman, who is one of the above twenty one. The missions 
in Ulster and Dutchess counties are very small. Those 
in West Chester and Richmond counties are larger, though 
none of them can be called large. And excepting those 
in the city of New York, and perhaps those in Queen's 
county, there is not a congregation of Episcopalians in the 
province sufficiently numerous and able to support the 
gospel without the aid of the money raised by the ministry 
act of 1693, which they have most unjustly monopolized to 
themselves ; or the annual bounty they receive from the 
society for propagating the gospel in foreign parts. Not 
one of them however does it, not even those of the city. 
There is no congregation of this denomination vacant in 
the province but the small one at Huntington by the death 
of their minister a few months ago. There are two of the 
above ministers who have no parishes. 

There are three Lutheran ministers in the colony who 
have congregations, and two of them pretty large ; and 
there are ten vacant congregations, some of which are large 
and well able to support ministers, and some of them that 
must join two or three together for this purpose. There 
are two other Lutheran ministers in it, but they have no 
parishes. 

There are twelve Anabaptist ministers in this province 
who have congregations, some of them pretty large, and 
some but small. There are four vacant congregations, 
but none of them very large. 

There are two small French Protestant congregations, 
the one in the city of New York, and the other at New 
Rochelle in West Chester county ; but neither of them 
have settled ministers. 

There are three Moravian congregations in the province, 
one in New York, one on Staten Island, and one in the Ob- 
long in Dutchess county. But they are all small. The 
two former have ministers, but the third is vacant. 



150 State of reMgious Liberty in New York. 

There are seventeen Quaker meeting houses in the col- 
ony, in some of which pretty large congregations assemble 
for worship. There is one in Dutchess county to which 
there belong seventy or eighty families. Their congrega- 
tion in New York consists of about sixty families. And 
there are some others in the country respectable in point 
of numbers, and some of them but very small. 

There is beside a considerable number of separate or 
lay preachers in the province who have congregations to 
which they statedly preach, and some of them large. Some 
of these people call themselves Presbyterians or Congrega- 
tionalists, and some Anabaptists. They are pretty nume- 
rous in the new countries in the north and north easterly 
parts of the province, and parts adjacent, and on the east 
end of Long Island, where they have two ministers.* 

We have a congregation of Jews in the city of New 
York, which consists of between thirty and forty families. 
They have a synagogue, and enjoy full liberty of conscience. 

There are no Roman Catholic churches in the province, 
they being prohibited the publick exercise of their religion 
by the law I have already mentioned. 

There are also throughout the whole government many 
people who make no profession of any religion, and rarely, 
if ever, attend any place of worship; who therefore cannot 
be ranked with propriety under any of the above denomi- 
nations, though probably bred in one or other of them. 

Upon the whole, if I may hazard a conjecture on the sub- 
ject, I think the Episcopalians cannot be more than the 
fifteenth part of the whole province. But this I submit. 
However, notwithstanding their great inferiority in point 
of numbers, the Episcopalians enjoy the smiles of govern- 
ment beyond all other denominations. They obtain char- 
ters of incorporation, however small their congregations, 
whenever they ask them, which none of the rest can. The 
Dutch churches in the cities of New York and Albany, in 
Kingstown in Ulster county and Schenectady in Albany 
county are the only non-episcopal churches in the province 
that have charters of incorporation. 

The Scotch Presbyterian congregation in the city of 
New York applied to colonel Schuyler, then President of 

♦There are seven Baptist separate preachers in the colony, and some of them have 
pretty large congregations. 



State of religious Liberty in New York, 151 

the council and commander in chief, for a charter as long 
ago as March the third, 1720, but were disappointed by 
the opposition of the Episcopalians. Governor Burnet ar- 
riving the same year, a petition of the same tenor was pre- 
ferred to him September the nineteenth following: and 
though they asked nothing but a bare legal capacity to hold 
a small estate for the support of the worship of God among 
them according to their consciences, without any other 
boon, yet they were opposed and defeated by the rector 
and church wardens of Trinity church, who publickly ap- 
peared by their counsel against them before the governor 
and his majesty's council. The thirtieth of March, 1759, 
they again applied for the same favour to governor De 
Lancey, who had given them encouragement to expect it, 
and were disappointed by the practices of the same party. 
And March the eighteenth, in the year 1766, they peti- 
tioned the throne on the subject, and had the greatest en- 
couragement of success from Lord Dartmouth himself, 
then at the head of the board of trade; but were a fourth 
time defeated by the warm opposition of the bishop of Lon- 
don and other ecclesiastical dignitaries; his lordship ap- 
pearing twice against them at the board of trade, being 
roused and animated, as we have the greatest reason to ap- 
prehend, by the Episcopalians on this side of the atlantic. 

The first Lutheran church in the city of New York ap- 
plied for a charter February the eighth, 1759. Their pe- 
tition was sent home, and on being referred to the lords of 
trade, they reported it to be inexpedient to grant such a 
favour to people who were of neither of the establish- 
ments of Great Britain; in consequence of which they 
were denied it. 

The Dutch churches of Orange Town, Kakiate, Mar- 
bletown, Rochester, and Wawaising, and the French Pro- 
testants of the city of New York, have all petitioned for the 
like favour several years ago, but hitherto without success. 

Could the several non-episcopal denominations procure 
charters to hold estates for the support of the gospel among 
them, with as much ease as they are given to Episcopali- 
ans, it would greatly contribute to the security of religious 
liberty in the colony. 



152 State of religious Liberty in New York. 

There has no law been made in this province relating to 
marriages, nor do any of the English statutes concerning 
them extend to it. They stand therefore on the common 
law of the land ; and as words de presenti constitute a mar- 
riage by that law, the courts of judicature, on any contest, 
must leave the question married or not to the jury of the 
county upon the proofs that are offered, as they do with 
respect to any other enquiry relating to matter of fact. 
This is attended with some inconveniences; but the poli- 
ticians contend that they would be greater, if the legisla- 
ture should interpose by a law to prevent clandestine mar- 
riages ; and it is much to be doubted, whether the several 
branches would be brought to any unanimity on the sub- 
ject, were it attempted. The rites of marriage were at 
first celebrated by the justices of the peace, as well as the 
clergy, either upon the governor's licence, or the publica- 
tion of the bans thrice in some place of worship. This was 
the case till the year 1748, before which time the licences 
ran, to all Protestant ministers; but upon application of 
the Episcopal clergy who meant to monopolize this busi- 
ness, they are since directed to all Protestant ministers of 
the gospel, and from the time of this alteration the justices 
do not intermeddle, except in such counties where clergy- 
men are scarce. But marriages are celebrated by clergy- 
men of all denominations without distinction, and yet for 
any law to the contrary, a marriage with or without li- 
cence or publication, and with or without the aid of a 
clergyman or magistrate, will be valid in law. A contract 
in words de presenti, proved by witnesses and subsequent 
cohabitation as man and wife, constitute a marriage of le- 
gal validity, as already suggested. 

It must not be forgotten, that the establishment of the 
college in the city of New York in the year 1754, on its 
present narrow Episcopal plan, after the legislature had 
granted a sum of money for the erection and support of a 
college on a broad bottom, is justly considered as an in- 
fringement of the religious liberty of the province. 

It ought also to be mentioned, when considering the 
state of religious liberty in the colony, that a bill passed 
the House of Assembly, May the fifteenth, 1769, entitled 
"An Act to exempt all Protestants in the counties of 



State of religious Liberty in New York. 1 53 

West Chester, New York, Queens, and Richmond, from 
any taxation for the support of the ministers of the gospel." 
This was designed to operate as a repeal of the ministry 
acts of 1693 and 1705, at least so far as they have been 
perverted to the obliging of non-episcopalians to contrib- 
ute to the support of the Episcopal clergy without a formal 
repeal of them. But it was lost in the council. 

Another bill of the same tenor, and with the same de- 
sign, entitled "An act to exempt Protestants of all denom- 
inations from paying any clergyman by compulsory taxa- 
tion," passed the House of Assembly January the twelfth, 
1770, but it shared the same fate with the former. 

There was also another bill passed the present Assembly 
in 1769, for incorporating the congregations of the several 
denominations of christians in the county of Albany of 
every persuasion, excepting the Quakers, and enabling 
them to hold estates to the amount of several hundred 
pounds a year for the maintenance of public worship and 
schools, but was also lost in the council, for the same 
reasons that charters of incorporation are denied to non- 
episcopalians, lest the subjection of the province to episco- 
pacy in a future day should be hereby rendered more diffi- 
cult. 

This matter was taken up again the next session, and 
the bill the second time passed the House January the six- 
teenth, 1770. It had now many advocates without doors, 
and instructions and petitions in its favour were given by 
several of the counties ; but it sunk again in the council. 

There was also a bill passed the House of Assembly 
March the fourteenth, 1772, entitled "An act to remove 
doubts in the administration of oaths." This bill was de- 
signed in favour of a number of people in the province, 
chiefly from Scotland and the north of Ireland, who con- 
scientiously scruple the present legal form of taking an 
oath, by kissing the Bible, and to admit them to use the 
form established and in use in Scotland and the New Eng- 
land colonies by lifting up the right hand. These people 
have no objection to taking an oath when lawfully called to 
it; on the other hand they esteem it a duty. They scruple 
only the present mode of swearing, in which this bill was 
designed to ease them, and to which they have a just right 
z 



154 State of religious Liberty in New York. 

as good subjects. But it too was lost in the council. 
These several bills may be considered as so many struggles 
of the people by their representatives in favour of religious 
liberty, and as so many instances of defeat in this glorious 
cause, that will assuredly prevail one day or other. 

It is a settled point, that the ecclesiastical establishment 
of England does not attend to the plantations ; and as we 
have no general establishment in New York, the religious 
state of the colony, is that of a set of Protestants of differ- 
ent denominations which have been already mentioned, 
and proportioned as above suggested, supporting the wor- 
ship of God, by voluntary contributions, or by their con- 
gregational funds, without any law favouring one sect more 
than another; unless the acts I have already mentioned may 
be construed as the Episcopalians contend, without just 
cause. Except the act incorporating Trinity Church. 

The countenance of government will notwithstanding 
greatly tend to encourage and increase the Episcopalians, 
who, from their inferiority, will be also led to a closer at- 
tention to their interests than other denominations, whose 
numbers render them fearless and unguarded. The bish- 
ops in England are also very watchful of their interests 
here. The bishop of London in particular makes it a rule 
to apply to every governor on his appointment on this head, 
and strongly recommends the Episcopal cause in the colo- 
ny to his friendship, and no opportunity is lost to procure 
aids for small and weak congregations of that denomination 
from the society for propagating the gospel to enable them 
to support ministers. Add to this, that in all the new 
towns, patenteed in this province for some years past, there 
is a glebe of three hundred acres of land laid out near the 
centre of the town for an Episcopal missionary, and the 
fee vested in said society. And besides all this, the crown 
gives instructions to every governor in their favour. The 
standing instructions of a religious nature are of the follow- 
ing import. They command the governor, 

1. To find out means for the conversion of Negroes 
and Indians. 

2. To permit liberty of conscience to all except Papists. 

3. To take care that God be worshipped, the Book of 
Common Prayer used, and the sacraments administered 
according to the rites of the Church of England. 



State of religious Liberty in New York. 155 

4. To see that the churches be built, that the clergy 
be maintained, and glebes be provided for this purpose. 

5. That parishes have convenient limits. 

6. To present no minister to a benefice without a cer- 
tificate from the bishop of London, of his conformity to the 
doctrines and discipline of the Church of England, and of 
his good life and conversation. 

7. To give orders that the minister be of the vestry in ev- 
ery church, and that there be no vestry held in his absence. 

8. To report to the bishop of London every minister 
who preaches without orders. 

9. To countenance the exercise of the ecclesiastical ju- 
risdiction of the bishop of London in the province. 

10. To take care that no schoolmaster from England 
be permitted to teach school without the bishop of Lon- 
don's license, nor from any other place without the Gov- 
ernor's license. 

11. That a table of marriages be hung up in every 
church according to the canons of the Church of England. 

12. To recommend it to the Assembly to pass laws 
against immorality. 

1 3. To transmit an account of the number of the people. 

14. To see that accounts be kept of all the baptisms 
and burials. 

My lord Cornbury threatened to execute the tenth arti- 
cle, but durst not ; nor any governor since. It is not in- 
deed the interest of any governor to interfere in these mat- 
ters, and they rarely do. 

I shall only add, that there are no laws in this colony dis- 
qualifying persons for any civil office on account of their re- 
ligious persuasions: unless Quakers may be considered as 
an exception, who, though they are indulged with affirma- 
tions instead of oaths, by a law extending the acts of parlia- 
ment in their favour on this head ; yet these are confined 
to civil cases. And as they cannot take the oath required 
in such cases, they cannot be members of his Majesty's 
council, or sit in the house of Assembly, which is a real and 
a great grievance, and unfriendly to the cause of liberty. 

I consider the subject only as it respects the causes of 
Religious Liberty, and therefore designedly omit many 
things that would be proper to observe, were I giving you 
the religious state of the province in any other view. 



156 Letter from Dr. Spencer to Dr. Stiles. 



ACCOUNT OF THE DISSENTING INTEREST IN THE MIDDLE 
STATES, A. D. 1759, IN A LETTER FROM REV. DR. SPEN- 
CER TO DR. STILES. 

Rev. and dear Sir, 

When I sent you a broken account of the dissent- 
ing interest in these parts, I was too ill to be particular, 
and shall attempt this one as being more perfect. 

The dissenters are made up of Independents, Baptists, 
and Presbyterians. The last denomination are the most 
numerous. Besides these there are several Lutheran, 
Dutch Reformed, and French Protestant churches. The 
best account of these several denominations I have been 
able to obtain, is as follows : 

1. Presbyterian clergy. This body formerly consist- 
ed of two synods, viz. the New York and Philadelphia, but 
in May, 1758, united into one, called the New York and 
Philadelphia synod. This synod collects all the Presbyte- 
rian clergy living in the provinces of New York, New Jer- 
sey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. The synod 
consists of eight presbyteries respectively made up of min- 
isters contiguous, without any regard to the boundaries of 
counties or of provinces ; so that the number of ministers, 
for instance, of New York Presbytery, are, by a great ma- 
jority, made up of the clergy of New Jersey. 

The Names of Presbyteries. No. of Ministers. 

Hanover Presbytery, Virginia, - - 14 

Dunnegal Do. Maryland, - - 11 

Lewiston Do. Pennsylvania 6 

New Castle Do. in Do. - - - 11 

Philadelphia Do. in Do. - - - 12 

New Brunswick Do. in New Jersey, - - 11 

New York Presbytery, 22 

Suffolk Do. Long Island, N. York, 13 

2. Dutch reformed churches in the provinces of New 
York and New Jersey, which formerly belonged to one 
Ccetus, but are now jumbled into two. 

Dutch Ministers, 20 



Letter from Dr. Spencer to Dr. Stiles. 157 

3. Lutheran Ministers, in New York, (I believe) 2 

in New Jersey, - 

in Philadelphia, (about) 4 

4. French Protestants, in New York, - 2 

in New Jersey, - 

in Pennsylvania, (I believe) 

5. Independents, in New York Province, at Long- 

Island, 3 
These or Congregationalists in New Jersey, &c. 

6. Baptists, in New York Province, - 3 

in New Jersey, - 5 

in Pennsylvania, (about) 4 

7. The Church of England is but a very small part 
)f the inhabitants of these provinces, having very small 

congregations, and they are not numerous. 

Church of England Clergy, 

In the province of New York, 7 

New Jersey, 5 

Pennsylvania, (about) 4 

Were you to estimate the proportion of numbers in 
these several denominations, you would consider that there 
is a large number of Presbyterian vacancies within the 
bounds of our synod, especially in Virginia, where there is 
not one minister to three societies, and the number of va- 
cancies increases daily. We have great need of young 
men who are willing to travel into the lower countries, 
which seem happily inclined to receive the gospel. 

I am, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient and very humble servant, 

ELIHU SPENCER. 
Shrewsbury, Nov. S, 1759. 

Rev. Mr. Stiles. 



158 English Missionaries in America, frc. 



ENGLISH MISSIONARIES IN AMERICA, Feb. 5, 1762. 

FROM THE ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY FOR PROPAGAT- 
ING THE GOSPEL. 

JVb. of Missionaries . No. of Missionaries. 

Newfoundland, - 2 North Carolina, - 5 

Nova Scotia, - - 4 South Carolina, - 4 

Massachusetts, - 8 Georgia & Bahama, 2 

New Hampshire, 1 — 

Connecticut, - - 16 Total Missionaries, 13 

Rhode Island, - 4 Total Schoolmasters, 12 

New York, 10 — 

New Jersey, 8 85 

Pennsylvania, - - 9 

Amount of salaries for 85 persons in service this year, 
3727/. 10. 0. 



The reverend Charles Morton, m. a. was one of the 
ejected ministers after the restoration of Charles II. The 
place of settlement, from which he was ejected, was Blis- 
land, in the county of Cornwal. His father was Mr. Nich- 
olas Morton, who was obliged to quit the very same recto- 
ry for non-conformity, in the reign of Charles L He de- 
scended from an ancient family at Morton in Nottingham- 
shire, the seat of Thomas Morton, secretary to King Ed- 
ward III. about 500 years since. Charles, the subject of 
this memoir, was the eldest son of Nicholas. At about the 
age of fourteen years, his grandfather sent him to Wadham 
College in Oxford, where he was very studious. While at 
the university he was zealous for the rites and ceremonies 

* Mr. Morton is mentioned among the " eminent ministers in New England." in 
the Xth volume of the Collections ; and this memoir was prepared for insertion in 
that volume (as a note ibid p. 167, indicated), but it was excluded, with several oth- 
er articles, to make room for the copious and invaluable Index to the ten volumes. 



Biographical Memoir of Rev. Charles Morton. 159 

of the Church of England, after the example of his grand- 
father, who was a great royalist. " When the civil wars 
came on, observing that they, who were most debauched, 
generally sided with the king, against the more virtuous 
part of the nation, which generally affected the parliament 
side, and the vilest men on that side, which he thought the 
best, he thence began to apply himself seriously to the 
controversy between the prelatist and the puritan; and, 
after mature deliberation, determined to fall in with the 
latter. While he was fellow of the college, he was ex- 
tremely valued by Dr. Wilkins, the warden, on account of 
his mathematical genius. He was indeed a general schol- 
ar, but his eminency lay in the mathematics." 

When he left the college, he was fixed in the ministry 
at Blisland, in his native county, where he lived comforta- 
bly several years. After his ejectment by the act of uni- 
formity, he lived in a small tenement of his own in the par- 
ish of St. Ives, and preached privately to a few people of 
a neighbouring village, until the fire of London. Having 
sustained great loss by that fire, he removed into the city, 
to take care of his affairs ; and was there prevailed on, by 
the entreaty of several friends, to undertake the instructing 
of youth in academical learning. This work, for which he 
"was extraordinarily well qualified," he entered on at New- 
ington Green. "Many of his scholars," says Dr. Calamy, 
"are now [1727] very useful men, both in church and 
state. Some scores of young ministers were educated by 
him, as well as many other good scholars. He had indeed 
a peculiar talent of winning youth to the love of virtue and 
learning, both by his pleasant conversation, and by a famil- 
iar way of making difficult subjects easily intelligible. Af- 
ter about twenty years continuance in this employment, he 
was so infested with processes from the bishops' court, that 
he was forced to desist." At the same time, " being under 
great fears as to the public," he, in 1684, came over to 
New England, and was chosen pastor of the church at 
Charlestown, where he died in 1698, at the age of seventy 
two years. His epitaph, composed by Rev. Mr. Bradstreet, 
is inserted in the Vlllth volume of our Historical Collec- 
tions. It appears by Mather's Magnalia, [Book vi. p. 2.] 
that he was a fellow of Harvard College, A. D. 1694; and 



160 Biographical Memoir of Rev, Charles Morton. 

by his epitaph, that he was Vice-President of that semi- 
nary. 

Mr. Morton "was of a healthy constitution, of a sweet 
natural temper, and of a generous public spirit ; an inde- 
fatigable friend, a pious, learned, ingenious, useful man ; 
beloved and valued by all that knew him." 

Being reflected on for teaching university learning, and 
represented as thereby breaking the oath which he took 
when he was in the university, he drew up a vindication of 
himself and his brethren from that accusation, which Dr. 
Calamy has published in his Continuation of the Account 
of Ejected Ministers. It fills 20 pages; and furnishes a 
handsome specimen of his learning and abilities. Besides 
this manuscript, which was transcribed by most of his pu- 
pils, he drew up, for their use, systems of the several arts 
and sciences, which he explained in his lectures ; and cop- 
ies of which were preserved until Dr. Calamy's time. Un- 
der the reign of Charles II. he composed "Advice to Can- 
didates for the Ministry, under the present discouraging 
circumstances ;" which Dr. Calamy also published in his 
Continuation. It fills 12 pages ; and is worthy the atten- 
tive perusal of candidates for the ministry in any age. 

The other publications of Mr. Morton are : 
The Little Peacemaker, on Prov. xiii. 10. 12 mo. 1674 
Foolish Pride, the Makebate, - - 8 vo. 1674 

Debts Discharge, on Rom. xii. 8. - 1684 

The Gaming Humour Considered and Reproved, 1684 
The Way of Good Men, for Wise Men to Walk in, 1684 
Season Birds, on Jerem. viii. 7. 

Meditations on the History of the first 14 chapters of Exod. 
on the Ark, its loss and recovery; and 



on the beginning of 1 Samuel. 

He wrote also several other treatises ; some Meditations 
by way of Essay, on 1 Thess. v. 23, which he entitled, 
" The Spirit of Man;" an Inquiry into the Physical and 
Literal Sense of Jeremiah viii. 7, The Stork in the Heaven, 
&x. ; of Common Places, or Memorial Books ; a treatise 
which he called mwiiv, a Discourse of the Improve- 
ment of the County of Cornwal, the seventh chapter of 
which treats of sea sand as very useful for manuring land, 



An Account of Rev. Charles Morton. 161 

both for corn and grass, and is printed in the Philosophical 
Transactions of April, 1G75. He wrote also Some Con- 
siderations of the New River ; and a Letter to a Friend, 
to prove there is no such absolute need of money as men 
generally think. He wrote also several other short treatis- 
es, and was always brief and compendious, being a declar- 
ed enemy to large volumes, as he signified by that adage, 
which he often repeated : Msyd Btfhov pdjk Kaitdv, A great 
book is a great evil. 



AN ACCOUNT OF REV. CHARLES MORTON. 

Extracted from a Diary written by Samuel Penhallow, of 
Portsmouth, in the year 1719. Communicated by John 
Penhallow, Esq. of Portsmouth, to Hon. Oliver Wendell, 
Esq. 

A. D. 1683, 1 went to the ingenious Mr. Morton, at 
Newington Green, near London ; but the continued en- 
mity of the bishops against all such schools of learning, 
arose to such a degeee as, in a little time, to break up that 
large and flourishing seminary, which was so discouraging 
to Mr. Morton, that he embarked for New England, where 
he was invited and courted, and the rather to take upon him 
the presidentship of the college, being a gentleman of uni- 
r ersal learning. He had an entire love for those of his 
country, and especially such as were his pupils. He de- 
sired me, with some others, to accompany him, with an as- 
surance of his favour ; which invitation I, with the consent 
of my parents, readily embraced ; and the rather for that 
the Society in London to gospelize the Indians, assured 
me tw r enty pounds a year, for three years, to study the In- 
dian tongue, and after that sixty pounds yearly during life, 
if in case I followed the ministry, and preached to them at 
times. But no sooner did we arrive at New England, 
which was in July, 1686, but I found a vast alteration in 
the state of affairs, the charter being gone, Mr. Dudley at 
the head of government, and Sir Edmund Andros soon after 
A A 



1 62 Notices of Shrewsbury. 

expected, in the Rose, ship of war, with a very arbitrary 
commision from king James. Whereupon Mr. Morton, in- 
stead of living at the college, accepted of a call from 
Charlestown church, where he exercised in the ministry 
until death, which was in the year 1696. Two young 
gentlemen, who came over in company, went daily unto his 
house, where he read philosophical lectures, but the con- 
vulsion of affairs were such as occasioned every man's 
thoughts to be at watch. The fame of Mr. Morton, for 
educating young men, rose so high, that several from the 
college began to come from thence, which caused such an 
uneasiness in the corporation, that he was forced to de- 
cline teaching any farther. 



NOTICES OF THE TOWN OF SHREWSBURY, IN THE COUNTY 
OF WORCESTER. COMMUNICATED BY REV. J. SUMNER. 

The town of Shrewsbury was incorporated December 
19, 1727. 

The second parish was formed Dec. 17, 1742; incorpo- 
rated into a town by the name of Boylston, March 1, 1786. 

What is now Shrewsbury, contained in 1790, according 
to the census then taken, 963 inhabitants ; they did not 
amount to 1 100, in the year 1 800. From the 23d of June, 
1792, to June 23, 1804, there were 900 baptized; and so 
far as I could ascertain the number of births, they were one 
third more than the baptisms, almost 34 in a year upon an 
average ; the deaths in that time were 491, or not far from 
that, between 12 and 13 in a year. The marriages in that 
time, upon my record, are 335, which I suppose to be 
nearly the whole number, In the year 1790, there was 
about one to fifty, that had arrived to 80 years, and nearly 
that proportion, at the present time. In October, 1798, 
died Mrs. Mary Jones, who was a native of Woburn, in the 
105th year of her age, and who retained her faculties within 
a few days of her death. In March, 1768, died John Keys, 
Esq. aged 94. He left an aged widow ; with whom he 
had lived in the married state more than 72 years. 

August 20, 1803. 






Biographical Memoir of Rev. John Lothropp. 163 



BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR OF REV. JOHN LOTHROPP. 
BY REV. JOHN LATHROP, D. D. 

Rev. Abiel Holmes, D, D. 

Dear Sir, 

At your request I have endeavoured to collect the 
scattered accounts which are to be found of the Rev. John 
Lothropp, who in the year of our Lord 1634 left his native 
country, in which he had been cruelly persecuted, and 
with a few associates, first planted a christian church in 
Scituate ; and about five years after, planted the first chris- 
tian church in Barnstable. 

In the following biographical memoir I shall write the 
name, when speaking of Mr. Lothropp, as I find he wrote 
it ; but when I shall have occasion to quote the writers of 
history, either European or American, I shall write the 
name as I find they wrote it. 

How the name ought to be written at the present time 
may be a question. None of the posterity of the first of 
the name who came to America, now write the name, as he 
wrote it. In the old colony, where many of the descend- 
ants of Mr. Lothrop are found, the name is now written 
Lothrop, leaving out the last p, which was used by their 
ancestor. 

The Oxford historian [A. Wood] who published his 
Athence et Fasti Oxonienses in 1691, wrote the name Lath- 
rop, so did Mr. Calamy, Mr. Neal, and Mr. Crosby. Our 
Governor Winthrop, in his Journal, and Rev. Mr. Prince, 
in his cronological history, both wrote the name Lathrop. 
It is no doubt a Saxon name, compounded of La (Saxon) 
look, see, behold; and Throp, Thorp, or Thorpe, the Sax^ 
on word for a village. Lo in English is the same as 
La in the Saxon. It is certainly correct to retain both 
parts of the compound word, in the ancient language ; as 
a Saxon name therefore, the correct way of writing it will 
be, Lathorp, Lathrope, or Lathrop. It is not at all won- 
derful that the name has been written in various ways. 
The orthography of English names, it is well known, dif- 



164 Biographical Memoir of Rev. John Lothropp. 

fers at the present time, very much from the orthography 
170 or 180 years ago.* 

I will add, as some farther reason for writing the name 
Lathrop, the Ensigns Armorial are made out for that name, 
in the best books of heraldry. 

I have not been able to find where Mr. Lothropp the 
subject of this memoir was born, or at what school he was 
educated ; but as he is mentioned by A. Wood, who profess- 
ed to record the names of those " who have been admitted 
to one or two academical degree or degrees, in the ancient 
and most famous university of Oxford" no doubt that 
was the place of Mr. Lothropp' s public education. 

In performing the work which I have undertaken, the 
following arrangement will be the most natural. — In the 

First place, collect what I can find to my purpose, in the 
writers of the English history, particularly those who have 
recorded the persecutions and sufferings of such ministers 
of religion as were ejected or silenced for not subscribing 
certain articles, which their consciences would not suffer 
them to subscribe ; or, not going into certain practices, 
which they considered either as immoral, or inconsistent 
with the doctrines and dicipline of the church of Christ. — 
And, 

Secondly, collect what I can find to my purpose in the 
history of our own country. 

The first English writer whom I shall quote on this oc- 
casion, is A. Wood, who published his Athence et Fasti Oxo- 
nienses in 1691. He mentions Mr. John Lathorp in con- 
nexion with Mr. Henry Jacob, and Mr. Henry Jessie. 

He says " Henry Jacob was a Kentish man born, entered 
a commoner in Saint Maries Hall, 1579, aged \6 ; took 
the degree in arts and holy orders, and became beneficed 
in his own country. He was a person most excellently 
well read in theological authors, but withal was a most 
zealous puritan; or, as his son Henry used to say, the first 
Independent in England" 

In another place, this historian adds, " Henry Jacob, ed- 

* In the Oxford historian, the following names, and many others, are written very 
differently from what they are now written : Chickley. now Checkley ; Darby, now 
Derby ; Elyott, now Eliot ; Jarvys, now Jarvis ; Masdnger, now Messenger; 
Oates, now Otis; Perky ns, now Perkins; Raynolds, now Reynolds ; Shirbourne, 
now Sherburne : Whyte, now White. 



Biographical Memoir of Rev. John Lothropp. 165 

ucated in the low countries, under Thomas ^Erpenius, the 
famous critick, was actually created Bachelour of Arts by 
virtue of the letters of the chancellour of this university, 
written in his behalf. He was soon after elected proba- 
tioner fellow of Merton College, and is hereafter most de- 
servedly to be inserted among the writers in the 2d vol. 
of this work."* 

The same historian says, " Henry Jessie, in 1618, be- 
came pensioner of St. John's College ; whence, after he 
had taken one degree in arts, he was invited to live in the 
house of Brampton Gourdon of Assington in Suffolk, Gent, 
in which house he studied physick as well as divinity. 
After he had commenced M. A. which was in 1626, he 
preached privately in the neighbourhood, and distributed 
practical books among the brethren. Afterwards he re- 
moved to several places, but was not permitted to tarry 
long in any, because he was zealously averse to conformi- 
ty. At length in 1645, he repaired to London, where he 
joined himself to the congregation of which Mr. Henry 
Jacob and Mr. John Lathorp had been pastors. "f 

Mr. Daniel Neal in his history of the puritans, or prot- 
estant non-conformists, gives a particular account of the 
time and the manner in which the first Independent or 
Congregational church was established in England ; and 
he informs us that Mr. John Lathorp was the second min- 
ister of that church, after he had left the parish in Kent, 
where he was first settled. 

"Among the puritans who fled from the persecution of 
bishop Bancroft, was Mr. Henry Jacob. This divine hav- 
ing conferred with Mr. Robinson, pastor of an English 
church in Leyden, embraced his peculiar sentiments of 
church discipline, since known by the name of indepen- 
dency. In the year 1610 Mr. Jacob published at Leyden, 
a small treatise entitled The divine beginning and institu- 
tion of Chrisfs true, visible, and material church. Some 
time after he returned to England, and having imparted 
his design of setting up a separate congregation, like those 
in Holland, to the most learned puritans of those times, it 

*Athense et Fasti Oxon. Vol. 1. p. 894, and 864. 
tFasti Oxon. p. 857. 



166 Biographical Memoir of Rev. John Lothropp. 

was not condemned as unlawful, considering that there was 
no prospect of a national reformation. Mr. Jacob having 
summoned several of his friends together, and obtained their 
consent to unite in church fellowship for enjoying the or- 
dinances of Christ in the purest manner, they laid the foun- 
dation of the first Independent or Congregational church in 
England, after the following manner : Having observed a 
day of solemn fasting and prayer for a blessing upon their 
undertaking, towards the close of the solemnity, each of 
them made open confession of their faith in our Lord Jesus 
Christ; and then standing together they joined hands, and 
solemnly covenanted with each other in the presence of 
Almighty God, to walk together in all God's ways and or- 
dinances, according as he had already revealed, or should 
further make them known to them. 

" Mr. Jacob was then chosen pastor by the suffrage of the 
brotherhood, and others were appointed to the office of dea- 
cons, with fasting and prayer, and imposition of hands. Mr. 
Jacob continued with his people about eight years ; but in 
the year 1624 being desirous to enlarge his usefulness, he 
went, with their consent, to Virginia, where he soon after died. 

" Thus according to the testimony of the Oxford histo- 
rian, and some others, Mr. Henry Jacob was the first inde- 
pendent minister in England, and this the first indepen- 
dent church. Upon the departure of Mr. Jacob his church 
chose Mr. Lathorp their pastor."* 

The account here given of the manner in which the 
first Congregational church was formed, and the first minis- 
ter of that denomination in England was ordained, is inter- 
esting : it appears that the church exercised the right both 
of electing and ordaining; this must have been the case, as 
there was no church of the same denomination in the king- 
dom to assist them. This right, which was exercised by 
the first Congregational church in England, is claimed, if 
not exercised, by the churches of the same denomination in 
America. 

As it is well known the Oxford historian [A. Wood'] was 
no friend to dissenters from the established church, what 
he says in favour of the learning and piety of the founders 
of the Congregational denomination may be taken in its full 

*NeaPs history of the Puritans, Vol. 1. p. 477, 2d edit. London, 1754. 



Biographical Memoir of Rev. John Lothropp. 167 

strength. The character which he has given of Mr. Jacob 
is an excellent one ; and the only fault which he mentions, 
is, that Mr. Jacob was a most violent puritan. Mr. Jacob 
was the first minister of the first Congregational church in 
England ; Mr. Lathorp the second minister, and Mr. Jessie 
the third. 

Mr. Neal, having given an account of the establishment 
of the first independent church and congregation in Eng- 
land, resumed the account he promised to give of Mr. 
Lathorp. 

" The dicipline of the church being relaxed, the Brown- 
ists or Independents, who had assembled in private, and 
shifted from house to house, for twenty or thirty years, re- 
assumed their courage and shewed themselves in public. 

" We have given an account of their original from Mr. 
Robinson and Mr. Jacob, in the year 1616, the last of whom 
was succeeded by Mr. John Lathorp, formerly a clergyman 
in Kent, but having renounced his orders, he became pas- 
tor of this little society. In his time the congregation was 
discovered by Tomlinson, the bishop's pursuevant, April 
29, 1 632, at the house of Mr. Humphrey Barnet, a brewer's 
clerk in Black Fryars, where forty-two of them were ap- 
prehended, and only eighteen escaped : of those that w 7 ere 
taken, some were confined in the Clink, others in New Pris- 
on and the Gate House, where they continued about tw r o 
years, and were then released upon bail, except Mr. La- 
thorp, for whom no favour could be obtained ; he therefore 
petitioned the king"* (Charles I.; Archbishop Laud, hav- 
ing refused every favour) " for liberty to depart the king- 
dom ; which being granted, he went in 1634 to New 7 Eng- 
land, with about thirty of his followers. Mr. Lathorp was 
a man of learning, and of a meek and quiet spirit; but met 
with some uneasiness, upon occasion of one of his people 
carrying his child to be re-baptised by the parish minister ; 
some of the congregation insisted that it should be baptiz- 
ed, because the other administration was not valid ; but 
when the question was put, it was carried in the negative, 
and resolved by the majority, not to make any declaration 
at present, whether or not, parish churches were true church- 
es. Upon this some of the more rigid, and others who 
were dissatisfied about the lawfulness of infant baptism, de- 



168 Biographical Memoir of Rev, John Lothropp. 

sired their dismission, which was granted them : these set 
up by themselves, and chose Mr Jesse their minister, who 
laid the foundation of the first Baptist congregation that I 
have met with in England: But the rest renewed their 
covenant to walk together in the ways of God, so far as he 
had made them known, or should make them known to 
them, and to forsake all false ways. And so steady were 
they to their vows, that hardly an instance can be produc- 
ed of one that deserted to the church by the severest 
prosecutions. 

" Upon Mr. Lathorp's retiring to New England, the 
congregation chose for their pastor the famous Mr. Canne, 
author of the marginal references in the Bible.' 3 * 

Mr. Crosby, in his history of the English Baptists, takes 
particular notice of the separation which took place in Mr. 
Lathorp's society, and the establishment of the first Bap- 
tist church mentioned by Mr. Neal. He says, Mr. Jes- 
sey, a man of respectability and learning, was settled pas- 
tor of the church in London, which had been under the 
care of Mr. Lathorp. In 1645 he (Mr. Jessey) became a 
Baptist, and was rebaptized by Mr. Knollys : he held how- 
ever to mixed communion all his life time." 

It is pleasant to find the first Baptists in England, and 
the very church from which they separated, preserved their 
christian fellowship, and kept up communion with each 
other, notwithstanding their different opinions, with respect 
to the subject and the mode of baptism. It is greatly to be 
lamented that a like catholick spirit has not been cherished 
in this part of the world. Surely no one particular mode of 
administering, or of receiving this ordinance, can be neces- 
sary to the salvation of the children of men. Why then do 
our brethren of the Baptist denomination give so much con- 
sequence to their particular mode ? Why do they exclude 
all from their communion, even occasional communion, 
however pious and exemplary in their life and conversation, 
who have not received baptism by immersion ?f 

* Neal's Hist. Puritans, Vol. 1. p. 663. 

t Mr. Jessey had over his study door the following lines, which show how vexatious 
it is to a man fond of his books to be interrupted by idlers. 
" Amice, quisquis hue ades, 
Aut ageto paucis ; aut abi ; 
Aut me laborentem adjuva." Crosby's Hist Baptists, Vol. 1. p. 312. 



Biographical Memoir of Rev. John Lothropp. 169 

Dr. Calamy, in his continuation of the account of minis- 
ters who were rejected or silenced, mentions several of the 
facts related by Neal and Crosby, particularly those which 
relate to the settlement of Mr. Laihorp, pastor of the in- 
dependent church in London, after Mr. Jacob removed to 
Virginia. 

Having related as much perhaps as may be necessary 
from those English writers, who have taken notice of Mr. 
Laihorp among the many who suffered under prelatical op- 
pression, in those unhappy times when the rights of con- 
science were little understood, I will go on to collect from 
the early history of our country, what Our own writers will 
furnish for this memoir. 

In Governor Winthrop's journal, which was written by 
himself, we have the following account : 

" The Griffin, and another ship now arriving with about 
200 passengers, (Mr. Lathrop and Mr. Sims, two godly 
ministers coming in the same ship.")* 

He adds in the next page, "Mr. Lathrop had been pastor 
of a private congregation in London, and for the same, 
kept long time in prison, (upon refusal of the oath ex of- 
ficio) being in Boston upon a sacrament day, after the ser- 
mon, desired leave of the congregation to be present at 
the administration, but said that he durst not desire to par- 
take in it, because he was not then in order, being dismiss- 
ed from his former congregation." 

Rev. Mr. Prince, in his chronological history of New- 
England, page 145, says, "this year, 1624, My. Henry 
Jacob, who had set up an independent church in England in 
1616, with the consent of his church, goes to Virginia, 
where soon after he dies ; but upon his departure his con- 
gregation chose Mr. Lathrop their pastor." In the pre- 
face, Mr. Prince names the manuscripts which he used in 
compiling his history, and among them, "An original re- 
gister, wrote by the Rev. John Lathrop, recording the first 
affairs both of Scituate and Barnstable, of which towns he 
was successively the first minister." 

In New-England's Memorial, Mr. Secretary Morton has 

left an account of the subject of this memoir, which must 

not be omitted. Under the date of 1653, "This year," says 

he, " Mr. John Laythrop did put off this earthly tabernacle. 

Bb 

^Journal p. 71. Hartford, 1790. 



170 Biographical Memoir of Rev, John Lothropp. 

He was sometime preacher of God's word at Egerton in 
Kent, from whence he went to London and was chosen pas- 
tor of a church of Christ there. He was greatly troubled 
and imprisoned for witnessing against the errors of the 
times. During the time of his imprisonment his wife fell 
sick, of which sickness she died. He procured liberty of 
the bishop to visit his wife (once) before her death, and 
commended her to Gocl in prayer, who soon after gave up 
the ghost." Mr. Morton, says the children, after the death 
of their mother, repaired to the bishop at Lambeth, and 
made known to him their great distress, and he showed 
them compassion, and consented that their father should be 
released from prison. (Neal says Mr. Lathorp petitioned 
the king, and the king gave him his liberty.) "Soon after 
he came over into New England, and settled for some time 
in the town of Scituate, and was chosen pastor of their 
church : afterwards the said church dividing, a part where- 
of removed to Barnstable, he removed with them and re- 
mained until his death. He was a man of an humble and 
broken heart and spirit. Lively in dispensation of the word 
of God, studious of peace, furnished with godly content- 
ment, willing to spend and be spent for the cause and church 
of Christ. He fell on sleep in the Lord, November 8, 1 653 " 

Mr. John Higginson and Mr. Thomas Thacher in their 
recommendatory preface to New England's Memorial, dat- 
ed March 26, 1669, says, " The author is an approved godly 
man, and one of the first planters of Plymouth. The work 
itself is compiled with modesty of spirit, simplicity of style, 
and truth of matter, containing the annals of New England 
for the space of 47 years, with special reference to Plym- 
outh colony, which is the first, and where the author had 
his constant abode." 

Mr. Secretary Morton was a nephew of the second gov- 
ernor of the old colony, William Bradford, from whose man- 
uscripts together with certain diurnals of the first governor 
Winslow, he says he collected the greatest part of the mate- 
rials for his, which is the first history of New England. 
The book is dedicated to governor Prince, who succeeded 
governor Winslow in 1634. 

Mr. Morton wrote the name of the subject of this me- 
moir Laythrop, which is a little different from the way in 



Biographical Memoir of Rev. John Lothropp. 171 

which any others have written it, but nearly as it has been 
generally pronounced in the colony of Plymouth, until of 
late. 

Two letters signed by John Lothropp, and directed to 
governor Prince, have been found, a few years since, 
among papers long neglected as useless, but which deserve 
a place in our Historical Collections. The letters now re- 
ferred to, I consider the most valuable part of this memoir. 
They now follow. The first is dated, 

Situate, February 18, 1638. 

" To the right worthy and much-reverenced, Mr. Prince, 
governor — Grace mercy and peace be forever multiplied. 

Sundry circumstances of importance concurring towards 
the present state of myself and the people in covenant with 
me, presse me yett againe to sett pen to paper, to the end 
that the busyness in hand might with greater expedition be 
pressed forward, if it may be : not willing to leave any law- 
ful means unattempted, that we are able to judge, to be the 
means of God, that soe we might have the more comfort to 
rest in the issue that God himselfe shall give in the use of 
his own means. Yett I would be loth to be too much pres- 
sing herein, least the more haste on our part should occa- 
sion the less speed, or, overspurring, when by reason of 
abundance of freeness, there needs none at all, I should 
dishearten, and so procure some unwillingness. But con- 
sidering your godly wisdome in discerning our condition 
and presuming of your love unfeigned to us-ward, which 
cannot but effect a readiness on your part, in passing by 
and covering of our infirmitye, I am much emboldened, 
with all due reverence and respect, both to your place and 
person, to re-salute you. 

The truth is, many greviances attend mee, from the 
which I would be freed, or att least have them mittigated, 
if the Lord see it good. Yett w 7 ould I raither with patience 
I leave them, than to grieve or sadd any heart, whose heart 
ought not to be grieved by me, much lesse yours ; whom 
I honour and regard with my soule, as I do that worthy in- 
strument of God's honour, together with yourselfe, Mr. 
Bradford, because I am confident you make the advanceing 



] 72 Biographical Memoir of Rev. John Lothropp. 

of God's honour jour ctiiefest honour. And the raither 
I would not bee any meanes to grieve you, inasmuch as I 
conceive you want not meanes otherwise of grief enough. 
But that I be not too tedious, and consequently too griev- 
ous. The principal occasion of my present writing is this; 
Your worthy seife, together with the rest joyned and assist- 
ing in government with you, much reverenced and esteem- 
ed of us, having gratiously and freely uppon our earnest 
and humble suites, granted and conferred a place for the 
transplanting of us, to the end God might have the more 
glorye and wee more comfort : both which wee have solidd 
grounds to induce us to believe, will be effected : For the 
which free and most loveing grant, we both are and ever 
remain to bee, by the grace of the highest, abundantly 
thankeful. Now here lyes the stone that some of the breath- 
ren here stumbel att ; which happely is but immaginarye, 
and not reall, and then there will be no need of removeall. 
And that is this, some of them have certaine jelousies and 
fears, that there is some privie undermineing and secrett 
plotting by some there, with some here, to hinder the sea- 
sonable successe of the work in hand, to witt of our remove- 
all, by procuring a procrastination, in some kinde of pro- 
ject, to have the tyme deferred, that the conveniencye of 
the tyme of remoeving beeing wore out before we can have 
free and cleare passage to remove, that soe wee might not 
remove att all. But what some one particular happely with 
you, with some amongst us here, may attempt in this kinde 
for private and personal ends, I neither know, nor care, 
nor fear, forasmuch as I am fully perswaded that your en- 
deared selfe, and Mr. Bradford, with the rest in general, to. 
whom pow er in this behalfe belongeth, are sincerelye and 
firmelye for us, to expeditt and compleate the busyness as 
soon as may be, so that our travells and paines, our costs 
and charge, shall not be lost and in vaine herein, nor our 
hopes frustrated. Now the trueth is, I have been the more 
willing to endite and present these feew lines, partly to wipe 
away any rumour that might bee any waves raised upp of 
distrustfullness on our partes, especially, to clear my owne 
innocencye of having any suspition herein ; as alsoe to 
signifye since the place hath been granted and confirm- 
ed unto us ; some of the breathren have sold their houses 



Biographical Memoir- of Rev. John Lothropp. 175 

and lands here, and have put themselves out of all. And 
others have put out their improved grounds to the half in- 
crease thereof, upon their undoubted expectation forthwith 
as it were to begin to build and plant in the new plantation. 
Wherein if they should be disappointed, it would be a 
means to cast them into some great extremitye. Where- 
fore lett me intreate and beseech you in the bowells of the 
Lord, without any offence, both in this respect, as also for 
other reasons of greater importance, which I will forbear to 
specifye: To do this further great curtesey for us, to make 
composition with the Indians for the place, and priviledges 
thereof in our behalfe, with that speed you cann : and wee 
will freely give satisfaction to them, and strive to bee the 
more enlarged in thankefulnesse to you. I verily thinke wee 
shall never have any rest in our spiritts, to rest or stay 
here ; and I suppose you thinke little * * otherwise, 
and am therefore the more confident that you will not neg- 
lect any opportunitye, that might make for our expedition 
herein. I and some of the breathren have intreated our 
brother John Coake, who is with you, and of you, a mem- 
ber of your congregation, to bee the best furtherance in 
such occasions, as either doe or may concerne us, as possi- 
bly hee may or cann, who hath alsoe promised unto us his 
best service herein. Thus wishing and praying for your 
greatest prosperitye every wayes, I humbly take my leave. 

Remaining to be at your command and service in the 
Lord. 

JOHN LOTHROPP. 

From Scituaie, Feb. 18, 1638. [Superscribed thus.] 

To the right worthy and much-honored Governor Prince, 
att his house in PlimouthP 

Give these I pray. 

SECOND LETTER. 

" To the right worthy and much-honoured Mr. Prince, our 
endearoured governor of Plimouth,— Grace, mercy, and 
peace, be multiplyed. 

My dear and pretious, 

Esteemed with the highest esteeme and respect, above 
every other particular in these territoryes; being now in the 



174 Biographical Memoir of Rev. John Lothropp. 

roome of God, and by him that is the God of gods, deput- 
ed as a god on earth unto us, in respect of princely func- 
tion and calling. Unto whom wee ingeniously confesse all 
condigne and humble service from us to bee most due. 
And if we knowe our hearts, you have our hearts, and our 
best wishes for you. As Peter said in another case, doe 
wee in this particular say, It is good for us to be heere : 
(wee mean under this septer and government) under which 
wee can bee best content to live and dye. And if it bee 
possible we would have nothing for to separate us from 
you, unlesse it be death. Our souls (I speak in regard of 
many of us) are firmely lincked unto your worthy self, and 
unto many, the Lord's worthyes with you. Wee shall ever 
account your advancement ours. And I hope through 
grace, both by prayer and practice, wee shall endeavour to 
our best abilitye, to advance both the throne of civill digni- 
tye, and the kingly throne of Christ, in the severall admin- 
istrations thereof in the midst of you. Hereunto (the truth 
is) we can have no primer obligation, than the straite and 
stronge tyes of the gospell. If we had no more, this would 
alwayes bee enough to binde us close in discharge of all 
willing and faithfull duetye both unto you and likewise un- 
to all the Lord's anointed ones with you. But seeing over 
and above, out of your gratious dispositions (through the 
grace and mercy of the Highest) you are pleased to sett 
your faces of favour more towards us, (though a poor and 
contemptable people) than towards any other particular peo- 
ple whatsoever, that is a people distinct from yourselves. 
As wee have had good and cleare experience hereof before, 
and that from tyme to tyme ; soe wee now againe in the 
renewed commiseration towards us, as most affectionate 
nurseing fathers, being exceeding willing and readye to 
gratifye us, even to our best content, in the pointe of re- 
moveall : Wee being incapacitated thereunto, and that in 
divers weighty considerations, some, if not all of which, 
are well known bothe to yourselfe, and to others with you. 
Now your love being to us transcendent, passing the love 
you have shewn to any without you, wee can soe much 
the more, as indebted unto our good God in praises, soe 
unto yourselves in services. We will ever sett downe in 
humble thankfullness in the perpetual memory of your ex- 



Biographical Memoir of Rev. John Lothropp. 175 

ceeding kindnesse. Now we stand stedfast in our resolu- 
tion to remove our tents and pitch elsewhere, if wee cann 
see Jehovah going before us. And in very deed, in our 
removeing, wee would have our principal ende, God's own 
glorye, our Sion's better peace and prosperitye, and the 
sweet and happie regiment of the Prince of our salvation 
more jointly imbraced, and more fully exalted. And if 
externall comfortable conveniences as an overplus, shall 
bee cast in, according to the free promise of the Lord, wee 
trust then, as wee shall receive more compleate comfort 
from him, soe he shall receive more compleate honour by 
us: for which purpose we humbly crave, as the fervencye 
of your devotions, soe the constancye of your wonted 
christian endeavours. And being fully perswaded of your 
best assistance herein, as well in the one as in the other, 
wee will labour to wait at the throne of grace, expecting 
that issue that the Lord shall deeme best. 

In the intrim, with abundance of humble and unfeigned 
thankes on every hand on our parts remembered, wee take 
our leave, remaining, obliged forever unto you, in all duety 
and service. 

JOHN LOTHROPP. 

From Scituate, the 28 of this 7th month, [September] 1638. 

n. b. Three names are subscribed beneath the name of 
Mr. Lothropp, which are not perfectly legible : the first 

appears to be Anthony Aniball; the second, Cobb ; 

the third, Robinson ; to which are added the words, 

" In behalf of the church." [Superscribed thus :] 

To the right worthy and much-reverenced Mr. Prince, 
Governor at Plimouth. 



I have seen a copy of the last will and testament of Mr. 
John Lothropp, taken from the records of the Old Colony 
of Plymouth ; but as there is nothing in it out of the com- 
mon form which would be interesting to any not particularly 
connected with the family, I have not transcribed it. There 
is also an inventory of his goods, taken by 



Thomas Dimmacke, 
Henry Cobb, 



John Cooper, 
Thomas Hinckley. 



176 Biographical Memoir of Rev. John Lothropp. 

Thomas Hinckley was afterwards governor of the colony. 
The amount of goods appraised was 72/. 16 5. His real 
estate, consisting of two houses and several lots of land in 
Barnstable, he left to his wife and his eldest son. The 
will had no signature nor seal. 

I had an opportunity, a few months since, to examine the 
records of the church of which Mr. Lothropp was the first 
pastor, but could find nothing in his hand writing : The 
following is the only minute on the book relating to his 
settlement, viz. " Persons baptized by Mr. Lothropp since 
October 1 1th, 1639. After his removal from Scituate, tak- 
en out of a book in the posession of the Widow Fuller, 
written by his own hand." This minute was made in the 
first church book of records, by Rev. Thomas Walley, who 
succeeded Mr. Lothropp, and was ordained A. D. 1663, 
about ten years after Mr. Lothropp 1 s death. As Mr. Lo- 
thropp was settled at Scituate soon after he came to Amer- 
ica, which was September, 1634, and removed to Barnsta- 
ble in October 1639. He was pastor of the church where 
he first settled, about five years. He died Nov. 8, 1653; 
having been about fourteen years pastor of the church in 
Barnstable. 

Rev. Thomas Walley was ordained 1663 — died in 1678; 
eight years after Rev. John Russell, who had been settled 
before in Hadley, was ordained pastor of the church in Barn- 
stable. Jonathan Russell succeeded his father, and was 
ordained October 29, 1712. Rev. Oaks Shaiv, succeeded 
Mr. Jonathan Russell, and was ordained October, 1760. 

From a record of the family of Mr. Lothropp, preserved 
by one of his grand-daughters, and now to be seen at the 
town of Dennis, in the county of Barnstable, [ have receiv- 
ed the following extract — u My honoured grandfather, 
Mr. John Lothrop, who was the pastor of the church in 
Barnstable, deceased in the year 1653, who brought from 
England with him four sons, viz. Thomas, who settled in 
Barnstable ; Samuel, at Norwich ; Joseph, at Barnstable, 
and Benjamin at Charlestown. And after he came to 
New England, Barnabas and John, both settled in Barn- 
stable." 

n. b. The two last sons were by a second wife. The 
first wife died while he was a prisoner in England. 



Biographical Memoir of Rev. John Lothropp. 177 

In the last will there is mention of two daughters, Jane 
and Barbarah : to whom he says he had already given por- 
tions, from which we may conclude they were married ; but 
whether they were born in England or America, I know not. 

From Thomas, the eldest son, those of the name of Lo- 
throp, in Plymouth, and that vicinity, trace their descent. 

From Samuel, the second son, who settled at Norwich, 
in Connecticut, the numerous families of the name in that 
state, in New York and Vermont, trace their descent. 
The families, in the county of Barnstable, descended from 
Joseph, Barnabas, and John. The families of the name 
who have lived in Essex county, I suppose descended from 
Benjamin, who early settled in Charlestown. 

In the old colony of Plymouth the name has been gen- 
erally, and is now written Lothrop. In the records of the 
church, I observed the first Mr. Russell wrote the name 
.Lathrop, as it was generally pronounced in that place. But 
his son and successor, and also Mr. Shaw, wrote the name 
Lothrop. The descendants of Samuel, who settled in 
Connecticut, have, many pears past, wrote the name La- 
throp. And as Europeans, and almost all the historians of 
both countries, who have occasion to write the name, 
write it Lathrop* or with the o before the r Lathorp, and 
the family arms are made out for the name Lathrop, we 
think we have pretty good authority to retain the Saxon La, 
rather than use the English Lo. But as the difference is 
only about one letter, it would be a pleasant thing, if we 
who came from one root could all agree to write the name 
with the same letters. 

Thus, sir, have I given the best account I have been 
able to collect of our great great grandfather ; mine by my 
father's side, and yours by your mother's. 

We have the satisfaction to find, by all who have men- 
tioned him in their historical works, that he was a man of 
learning, (the learning of that day) a man of piety, of meek- 
ness and of a peaceful disposition : faithful and constant, 
and warm in the discharge of ministerial duties. 

* In the great library in Philadelphia there is a book, the title of which is, "An 
authentick elucidation of the history of Counts Struensce and Brandt, and of the 
revolution in Denmark in the year 1772. Translated from the German by B. H. 
Lathrope." London, 1789. 

Cc 



178 Topographical description of Needham. 

We. are amazed, when we contemplate the wonderful 
providence of God, which brought our fathers into this 
quarter of the world, to turn this wilderness into fruitful 
fieldsj and plant churches where the true God was not 
known, and the name of the Saviour had never been heard. 
Reflections of the most interesting nature rise in our minds 
when we are attending to the circumstances of those ex- 
cellent men, who brought the light of the gospel and sci- 
ence to the country in which we live. 

With great esteem, I am, sir, 

Your most obedient servant and brother, 
JOHN LATHROP. 
Rev. Dr. Holmes. 



TOPOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF NEEDHAM. 

This town is situated in the county of Norfolk, about 
thirteen miles northwesterly from Boston, and six miles 
westerly and northwesterly from Dedham. Its length from 
east to northwest is about seven miles and a half, and its 
breadth from north to south is about four miles and three 
quarters. 

The town is a peninsula, as more than two thirds of it 
are surrounded by Charles river, which separates it south- 
erly and southwesterly from Dover ; easterly and south- 
easterly from Dedham ; and north and northerly from New- 
ton. Northwesterly it is bounded on Weston, and wes- 
terly on Natick. 

There are nine bridges over this river, in its separatory 
course between Needham and the three towns first men- 
tioned. In that course of the river, which separates this 
town from Newton, there are two falls, called the upper and 
the lower falls, which form a number of valuable mill seats. 
At the upper falls is the largest cataract in the whole of 
Charles river from its source to its mouth. The water 
here falls suddenly twenty feet upon a bed of rocks. The 
dashing and foaming scene, which is here viewed, is very 
impressive to the mind. While curiosity is gratified, some 
emotions of awe are naturally excited. 



Topographical description of Needham. 179 

At these falls, on Newton side, are one grist mill, a 
number of snuff mills, two mills for cutting and heading 
nails, one trip hammer, one slitting mill, and one saw mill. 
About two miles below are the lower falls. IJere the wa- 
ter falls more gradually, and the mill seats are more nume- 
rous. On Needham side are three paper mills, two grist 
mills, one saw mill, and a clothier's works. On Newton 
side are five paper mills, one saw mill, one fulling mill, and 
one wire mill. 

At the southerly part of the town, where the river sep- 
arates Needham from Dover, there is, on Needham side, 
one paper mill, and on Dover side, are one slitting mill, 
one grist mill, and one saw mill. And in the easterly part 
of the town, where the river divides Needham from Ded- 
ham is another valuable mill seat, but which has never 
been improved. 

There are large bodies of meadow on the banks of this 
river, in its course of boundary before mentioned. Broad 
meadow, so called, lying partly in Needham, and partly in 
Dedham and Newton, is said to be one of the largest in 
the commonwealth. 

This town is exceedingly well watered. Besides Charles 
river, whose circumfluent course has been described, there 
is a large number of lasting springs and brooks in different 
parts of the towns, much to the convenience of the inhabi- 
tants. On these rivulets and streams, flowing in various 
directions, are large quantities of intervale and meadow 
lands. Rosemary brook, so called, is remarkable for ex- 
tent of meadow on its banks. Two saw mills have been 
erected upon this brook; the one near the source; the oth- 
er about a mile below, which has lately been taken down. 
The first mentioned, still remains. In the westerly part of 
the town, is another stream, upon which a grist mill and 
a saw mill are erected. In this part of the town are also 
two ponds, called Bullard's and Broad? s pond. Bullardh 
pond is the most extensive, and covers about 140 acres of 
land. This pond abounds with valuable fish of different 
kinds. About half a mile from this, is Broad? s pond, which 
is of smaller dimension, spreading over about 16 acres. 

The face of the town is in a degree hilly and uneven, 
and in some parts is rocky. Besides many smaller hills, there 



180 Topographical description of Needham. 

are four of considerable eminence, viz. Birdh hill, in the 
easterly part of the town; North hill, near the centre; Bul- 
lard's hill, in the westerly part ; and another in the north- 
erly part, called Magus hill, from the circumstance of its 
being anciently owned by an Indian* of that name. Each 
of these hills affords an extensive prospect. 

There are also two large plains, one in the westerly and 
the other in the easterly part of the town, called pine plain 
and great plain. Both these plains are of easy tillage and 
good for grain. Great plain is much noted for bearing a 
drought and is an excellent tract of land. Towards the 
river and in several other parts of the town, the soil is nat- 
urally rich and fertile. Where it is duly cultivated, it 
yields large quantities of grass, rye, Indian corn, barley, 
oats, flax, &c. It is also esteemed good for orcharding and 
fruitage. 

The town is remarkably w r ell wooded, and has large 
quantities of valuable timber. The general and natural 
growth of wood is oak of the several kinds, walnut, ches- 
nut, pine, ash, birch, maple, spruce, &c. 

As the situation of the town is somewhat retired, me- 
chanics and tradesmen have never been numerous in it. 
There are, however, at present, four hatter's shops and one 
manufacturer of potter's ware. The people depend chiefly, 
for subsistence and livelihood, upon the produce of their 
farms, and the sale of wood and timber. 

In the easterly part of the town, which comprises the 
first parish, the people have settled principally near the riv- 
er, so that in passing through the parish by a straight line, 
in any direction, but few houses will be seen. In the wes- 
terly part, the settlements are more conspicuous to a trav- 
eller, but still are not compact. Worcester turnpike pass- 
es, for a few miles, through this part of the town. The 
town in general would admit of more settlements. Much 
of the land is yet uncultivated ; and perhaps a third more 
inhabitants, than the present number, might be equally well 
supported, by a more extensive cultivation of the soil. 



♦Supposed to be the same John Magus, who, with Lawrence JVassowanno, on 
the 27th of December, 1686, for the sum of 20/. New England currency, sold to 
Joshua Lamb and others, his associates, belonging to Roxbury, that tract of land, 
which now comprises the town of Hardwiclc, in the county of Worcester. 



Topographical sketch of Lunenburg. 181 



TOPOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE TOWN 
OF LUNENBURGH. [NOV. 1810.] 

Lunenberg is situated in the county of Worcester, 
bounding on the east by Shirley, on the north and north- 
west by Townsend and Ashby, in the county of Middle- 
sex, on the west and southwest by Fitchburgh and Leom- 
inster ; and on the south by Lancaster in the county of 
Worcester. It lies nearly 10 miles north from Lancaster, 
and as many southwest from Groton ; being distant from 
Boston, in a northwest direction, 41 miles by the present 
road, through Concord and Littleton, and thirty seven and 
an half by the Nashua turnpike, now building. 

It is nearly five miles square in extent, containing, it is 
computed 1400 acres, on which, by the last census, there 
were 192 houses, and 1300 souls. The result of the 
present census is not known; but being remarkably heal- 
thy, notwithstanding annual emigrations, it is presumed 
the present population is nearly 1500. 

It is a land of hills and vales, fountains and springs of 
water. But, though hilly, it is not encumbered with rocks, 
there being no more than a sufficiency for fences. Its ex- 
tensive ridges, unlike those on the sea-board, are the best 
soil, and are remarkable for supporting drought. A stra- 
tum of clay, immediately beneath the first layer of soil, re- 
tains the moisture, and the hills and vales generally pre- 
serve the brightest verdure through the summer. There 
are no heaths, few ledgy hills, and scarcely any sunken lands, 
covered with stagnant waters. Of course, almost the 
whole surface of the town is susceptible of cultivation. 
It is generally divided into small farms, containing from 
eighty to an hundred acres, on which live industrious and 
cheerful farmers, who are compelled to be temperate and 
laborious, and who can aspire to no more than a compe- 
tence. A few may be considered as opulent. 

The soil is rich and warm ; and where duly cultivated, 
fertile ; the hills producing as fine wheat, as perhaps any 
lands east of the green mountains. It appears to be pecu- 
liarly calculated for the cultivation of fruit trees. The or- 
chards are extensive and fine, though decaying ; and gar- 



182 Topographical sketch of Lunenburg. 

den fruits of the common kinds are produced, almost 
spontaneously, in abundance. Cider is made in common 
years far beyond the consumption of the inhabitants. But 
an important remark may be made on the orchards here, 
which will apply too generally to the whole common- 
wealth, that there prevails a spirit of inattention to the rear- 
ing of young trees, to supply the old orchards in succes- 
sion, as they decay. 

The forests are composed of the usual woods of this sec- 
tion of country. The proportion of walnut and chesnut 
is larger than common. Beech, in ascending from the 
sea-board, first begins to be plenty at this distance from 
the sea. 

Innumerable rivulets bubble from the sides of the hills, 
and increase to brooks. There is but one stream, that 
merits the name of river, and that has the unpastoral name 
of Molpus. From this deficiency of streams, there re- 
sults a want of a sufficient number of mill-seats, and sites 
for water machinery. These abound, however, in the dis- 
tance of five miles in the adjoining towns, and there are in 
this town a number of saw and grain mills. 

From the above mentioned circumstance, although the 
population is large for the. extent of land, this town has had 
but a small proportion of manufactures. The fine oak 
and chesnut timber has given employment to a great num- 
ber of coopers. Book-binding is also carried on exten- 
sively, and the town has recently become noted for the 
manufacture of straw bonnets. The amount of bonnets, 
carried to market, is variously calculated ; but by none 
less, than 15,000 dollars annually. It is an honorable tes- 
timony to the great industry and enterprise of the female 
part of the town. 

In the centre of the town is a neat and handsome vil- 
lage, which makes a romantic appearance, as you ap- 
proach it from the south. The scenery on the west is 
rich and diversified ; and in the back ground exhibits sub- 
lime views of the lofty elevations in Leominster and 
Princeton. Three ponds in different parts of the town, 
two of them large and beautiful, filled to the brim with 
pure water, and fringed in summer with the deepest ver- 
dure, contribute to the pleasantness of its scenery. 






Topographical sketch of Lunenburg. 1 83 

Being situated on airy hills, on the summits of which, 
the eye takes in an immense horizon, in full view of Wat- 
chusett, Monadnoek, Watatic, and the Lyndeborough 
Mountains, swept by the most salubrious breezes of the 
north in summer, and the keenest in winter, and these un- 
mixed by putrid exhalations from stagnant waters, it is re- 
markably healthy, exhibiting great numbers of people, en- 
joying a cheerful and vigorous old age. The deaths for 
eight years past have annually averaged little more, than 
one to an hundred. 

Although the nearest route from Walpole, N. H. and 
the central parts of Vermont to Boston is through this 
town, yet, owing to the greater exertions of the towns 
north and south of this, the great roads have been carried 
through those towns, and have left this isolated and desti- 
tute of travel. A stage now runs regularly twice a week 
to Boston, and a turnpike now building connecting with 
that from Concord to Boston, on the one hand, and with 
that to Walpole, N. H. on the other will probably restore 
it to its just proportion of travel. 

The inhabitants, thus sequestered, lead a solitary, a 
peaceful, and regular life, are given to hospitality, and ex- 
hibit, perhaps, as much of the simplicity and frugality of 
New England manners, as any town in the Commonwealth. 

Europeans ridicule the claims of any of our settle- 
ments to age. This town, speaking in our dialect, is, 
comparatively old. It was first settled in 1719, and incor- 
porated in 1728. Previous to its incorporation, it bore the 
name of turkey-hills, from the numerous flocks of wild 
turkeys, that were sheltered, and fed in its groves. There 
are inhabitants still living, primitive settlers of the town, 
who remember, when its woods first echoed the sound of 
the settler's axe; when all beyond to the west and north, 
quite to Connecticut river, was a pathless wilderness. 
These hoary patriarchs delight to recall the "days of other 
years," when in all the sinewy vigour of temperance, of 
toil and youth, they pursued the bear, wolf, or deer, through 
forests, as old as the world, every trace of which has been 
obliterated for forty years. They occasionally give inter- 
est to these narratives, by interspersing in them anec- 
dotes of rencontres with their red brethren and neighbours. 



184 Note on Attleborough. 

As might be expected, the contests generally terminated 
favourably to the narrator. The town suffered little in 
its infancy, except fear from the savages. The frontier 
houses were garrisoned, and these people recollect attend- 
ing public worship, armed with guns. In the summer of 
1749 the savages made an irruption into a garrisoned 
house, killed two soldiers, and carried Mr. Fitch, his wife 
and children, into captivity in Canada, in which they 
suffered unparalled distress, under which Mrs. Fitch sunk. 
The remainder were ransomed, and returned. 

The ecclesiastical history of the town presents a scene 
of uncommon order and peace. A church was early 
gathered and a minister ordained. The present is the fifth 
minister in succession. The career of two was short. 
They have lived and died in peace and privacy. The 
predecessor of the present minister was distinguished and 
respected. The Rev. Mr. Adams was a relative of the 
late president. Ardent in feeling, vivid in imagination, 
copious and fervid in expression, with a fine figure and 
vehement gesture, he possessed all the materials of an or- 
ator, and many of his printed discourses are favourable 
speciments of eloquence. 

The number of sectarians is comparatively small, and of 
the church large; there being on the records the names of 
two hundred living members. The records also present 
the names of two thousand six hundred infants and adults, 
that have received baptism. 



NOTE ON 

Being an Extract from a Letter written by Rev. *Habijah 
Weld to Rev. Thomas Prince, about the year 1750, and 
designed as a document for the New England Annals. 

Attleborough being a certain tract of land lying on 
the northerly side of Rehoboth, and purchased by the in- 
habitants of that town, was called, formerly, Rehoboth 
North Purchase, and was made a township, by the Gen- 

*For memoirs of Mr. Weld, see Aid en's Coll. of Epitaphs, art. 118. 



Note on Attleboroueh. 1 85 



*£ 



eral Court, in the year 1694, containing then thirty families, 
belonging to, and still remaining in, the county of Bristol. 
But immediately after the grant of this township, there arose 
a controversy between this town and Rehoboth, respecting 
a mile and a half of land contained in the grant, which was 
petitioned for, and recovered by Rehoboth, and again an- 
nexed to that town ; and with the land, fourteen of the said 
thirty families, and by this means, they were disabled from 
supporting, and continued, for many years, without a set- 
tled ministry. But in the year 1710, Attleborough peti- 
tioned the General Court and recovered again said land, 
after which they proceeded to elect and settle a minister 
among them. 

The Rev. Mr, Matthew Short was their first minister, 
who was called October 1, 1711, and ordained Novem- 
ber 12, 1712 ; but he had not been long ordained before 
there arose contentions between him and the people, such 
as obliged them to call a council to advise to methods, 
whereby their differences might be accommodated. But 
not finding sufficient grounds, from what they alleged 
against Mr. Short, to dismiss him from the ministry among 
them, they advised Mr. Short to strive to recover the affec- 
tions of his people, which, if he did, it was in vain. The 
difference still remaining, and there being no probability of 
its being healed, he requested a dismission from them, 
May 31, 1715, which the people readily complied with. 

After him came the Rev. Mr. Ebenezer White, who 
was chosen to succeed Mr. Short, July 15, 1715, and or- 
dained October 17, 1716, and died September 4, 1726. 

After Mr. White I was called to the work of the minis- 
try, June 30, 1727, and ordained November 22, following. 

[Mr. Weld having continued in the ministry at Attlebo- 
rough nearly fifty five years, departed this life, suddenly, 
on the 14th of May, 1782, in the 80th year of his age, and 
was succeeded by the Rev. John Wilder, the present pas- 
tor of the first church in that town.] 



Dd 



1 86 Letter from Richard Henry Lee. 

Copy of a Letter from Richard Henry Lee of 
Virginia, to Samuel Adams. 

Chantilly february 5th 1781. 
My Dear Friend 

Your favor of the 15th past, was duly delivered to 
me, by my brother, who with my eldest son arrived safely 
here a few days ago. The many just and excellent ob- 
servations, with which your letter abounds, I shall reply 
to hereafter; at present, my design is to be confined, 
chiefly, to the consideration of the cession, made to the 
United States, by this Commonwealth, at our last session 
of assembly, of all the country North- West of the river 
Ohio, which is contained within the charter limits of this 
country. The country thus yielded, is greater in extent, 
than that which remains to us, between the Ocean, and 
the Ohio, and in point of climate and soil, it is far prefer- 
able — the terms of cession, so far as I can judge are per- 
fectly reasonable. — Notwithstanding this, there are pow- 
erful reasons, which I clearly see, will obstruct, if not de- 
feat the acceptation of this cession by Congress. It will 
be a means of perfecting our Union, by closing the Con- 
federation — and thus our Independency will be secured in 
a great measure. It will bar the hopes, of some powerful 
confederated Land jobbers, who have long had in contem- 
plation immense possessions in this ceded country, under 
pretence of Indian purchases, and other plausible, but not 
solid titles. It is plain therefore, that personal interest, 
and political views — Toryism, British interest, and Land- 
jobbing views, combine numbers without and within 
doors, to reject this proffered cession. — The modes and 
methods, which these artists pursue, are well under- 
stood, by the judicious, attentive friends to the Indepen- 
dence of these States — They pretend great friendship and 
concern for the Independency, the Union, and Confedera- 
tion of America, but by circuitous means, attack and de- 
stroy those things, that are indispensible to those ends. 
Hitherto the avarice and ambition of Virginia, has pre- 
vented Confederation — Now when Virginia, has yielded 
half, and more than half her Charter claim, the argument 
will be applied to the terms as improper, and for certain 



On the cultivation of the Oak. 1 87 

purposes perhaps it may be said, that the quantity ceded 
is not enough — in short any thing that can operate the de- 
lay and defeat of a measure, calculated to sever us com- 
pletely from Great Britain, and to preclude the avaritious 
views of certain Land mongers, will be industriously press- 
ed. But my dear friend, cannot virtue for once, be as ac- 
tive as vice — Can we not by effectual industry, contrive, 
to have a plan adopted, by which our great bond of Union 
may be secured — Let me observe here, that our assembly 
is luckily called again to meet, before our annual dissolu- 
tion, and if this great business can be considered and de- 
termined on by Congress, in season for us, so that we may 
know the result before the next meeting of assembly pass- 
es away, I think that it will greatly conduce to the general 
good and happiness of the United States — after that, which 
the uniform friends of America have already done, if they 
can be happy enough to complete this great bond of union, 
strength, confidence, and credit, the Confederation, they 
may reasonably be contented, with the fair prospect, that 
will then open upon them for future happiness and secu- 
rity. Our assembly is called by the Governor, to meet on 
the first of next month, and the Session will not be long. 

Mr. who drew the bill you mention is at present 

on a journey up the country, but you may be assured, 
that my exertions will be applied to get the bill immedi- 
ately and honorably discharged. 

I am dear Sir most sincerely 

and affectionately yours, 

RICHARD HENRY LEE. 

Honourable Samuel Adams, Esq. 

Member of Congress at Philadelphia. 



REMARKS ON THE CULTIVATION OF THE OAK. 

[The following document was found among the papers 
of the late General B. Lincoln. It was evidently not in- 
tended for publication in its present imperfect state. The 
remarks are desultory, and in some degree unconnected. 
The thoughts were probably expressed on paper, as they 



188 On the cultivation of the Oak. 

occurred in the midst of the cares and duties of public 
business. The subject, to which the remarks refer, the 
cultivation of the oak in toivns on and near the sea-coast, 
for the purpose of ship timber, on a conviction of the impor- 
tance of a navy for maritime protection, is highly interest- 
ing to the people of the northern states. Imperfect as the 
hints are, it is thought proper to give them to the publick. 
The mind of General Lincoln was of no ordinary stamp. 
His views were profound and comprehensive ; his senti- 
ments lofty and patriotic. He was anxious for the good 
of his country and posterity. The present generation, 
we hope, will profit of his provident and prophetic advice.] 

If it is true, that the situation and produce of the Uni- 
ted States are friendly to commerce, and that these consid- 
erations strongly suggest the importance of laying a founda- 
tion in time which shall give support to these ideas, should 
they, as they probably will, be found interesting to the ris- 
ing generation and to those who may follow now unborn — 
To put it in their power to support the fisheries, a source 
of wealth, and to continue the lucrative business of carry- 
ing for themselves the surplus of their own produce to the 
different markets throughout the commercial world, and 
returning with such articles in exchange, purchased from 
the first hand, as shall be for their interest to import : And 
also to enable them to build and keep up such a naval force, 
as may be indispensable to the security of their own inde- 
pendence, and their rights as a nation — To secure these 
blessings to the present and future generations, it is more 
than time, that we paid attention to planting the acorn ; 
from which act to the time the tree will be of sufficient 
size for ship timber, will require, at least, a period of sixty 
years : for the growth of oaks, we know, is not rapid. 
If we reflect on the state of timber sixty years ago in this 
country, and compare that with the present, we shall be 
convinced, that the earliest attention should be paid to the 
planting of acorns, and to the young oaks, many of which 
might now be saved. 

If we take a survey of the northern and eastern states, 
we shall find that our timber trees are greatly reduced, and 
quite gone in many parts. In towns near and bordering 



On the cultivation of the Oak. 189 

on the sea shore, little now can be found within the dis- 
tance of twenty miles ; and it is not uncommon for the 
builder to send at this day from thirty to forty miles for 
timber and planks, and the stock fast decreasing, not only 
from the demand of timber and planks, but from the scar- 
city of other fuel. The most valuable growing white 
oaks, from small ones up to a foot diameter, are cut daily 
into cord wood for the market and private families. In 
the country generally these trees are cut down, and the 
land cleared up as fast as it is for the interest of the hus- 
bandmen to do it, without regard to the general interest, or 
without reflecting how or whether a marine can, at some 
future period, exist. I am perfectly of opinion, that there 
is little hope these things will change for the better, since 
the tenure of our land cannot secure them in the family for 
any distant period. Thus is destroyed one great motive 
which would lead the grandsire to plant the acorn. He 
might be induced to the measure, if he could be sure the 
grand child would reap the fruits of his labours ; but of 
this he cannot be certain ; therefore we cannot expect the 
pleasure of seeing the old man tottering in the field, though 
aided by his staff, therewith piercing the ground for the 
reception of the seed. When it is considered what length 
of time is required for the growth of a timber tree to see it 
in perfection, and when we compare the present number 
of timber trees with the number growing fifty years since, 
sure we cannot be at a loss to pronounce that too little at- 
tention has been paid to the subject, and that unless some 
effectual measures are adopted without farther delay, many 
of the children now living will feel the improvidency of 
those of us now on the stage by being deprived in a great 
measure, if not wholly, of the means by which they might 
increase and protect commerce. 

We should think it ridiculous, indeed, to hear a man 
destitute of hands boasting of feeedom and independence. 
Is it not quite as irrational to talk about handing down to 
our children the blessings we enjoy, while we are daily re- 
ducing the streams aud suffering the source to dry up un- 
der our own eyes, without the least exertion to prevent it? 
I hope that we shall never consider ourselves as standing 
on high ground, and as holding a strong position among the 



190 On the cultivation of the Oak. 

nations of the earth, or suppose that we are handing those 
blessings down securely to our children, should they be 
left in a situation so humiliating as to owe the means of 
support to any foreign nation whatever. 

It may be said that we need not be anxious respecting a 
supply of timber in the United States; that Great Britain 
has long since been deprived of most of hers, and depen- 
dent on the neighbouring nations from whom she had it in 
her power to obtain a very ample supply. Although this 
may be true, yet she has notwithstanding, as she would put 
nothing at the hazard, been careful to cultivate with the ut- 
most assiduity a certain proportion of the island with trees 
sufficient in all events to keep her navy, that force for 
which she has been so long distinguished, and which has 
been so necessary to her own safety. Besides, fortunately 
for Great Britain, the neighbouring nations had it in their 
power to supply her. 

Where shall the United States look for supplies of ship- 
timber but within her own borders? If we survey eastward 
of the District of Maine, on this side of the atlantic, we 
shall find little or no oak, and that generally of the sour 
kind, very unfit for building ; and what there is between 
us and the St. Lawrence is the property of a power which 
needs the whole, and will defend it. To the eastward of 
St. Lawrence, on the coast of Labrador, no timber trees 
grow ; that country gives no other than a black growth, 
and of a small size of spruce, hemlock, &c. Was there 
any to be obtained from the nation on the south west of us, 
we should recollect, that if any is procured from that quar- 
ter, we are indebted for it to the will of another : one day 
our wishes may be gratified ; the next rejected. After all, 
we may have it to import under the eye of an enemy, who, 
when that shall be our unhappy case, may always keep us 
in a state of servility and dependence. 

At present we draw some of the best timber from Geor- 
gia ; but that source, could we always command it, must 
soon be exhausted ; and it cannot be considered as a na- 
tional supply, nor is it in a situation to give a confidential 
one. Was it much more so than it is, the expense of 
transporting timber to the different parts of the other states 
in the union would bring our shipping so high, as that 



On the cultivation of the Oak. 191 

the business would be done even by Europeans, on much 
better terms than we could do it. So that on the whole, if 
we are convinced that the succeeding generations will have 
a demand for shipping, and we cannot point out a source 
from which they will be able to draw a supply of timber 
for building, other than by our attention, at this day, to 
the culture of trees suitable therefor when grown, certainly 
measures should be taken by us to prevent those evils 
which must be the consequence of our neglect, if we real- 
ly wish to hand an inheritance to our posterity free and un- 
embarrassed. 

This subject is an important one, and requires attention 
and encouragement from publick bodies and private men. 
But what kind of exertions are proper on the part of each, 
may be more difficult to point out than to discover the ne- 
cessity that something ought to be done. 

Although this may be a task, to which no one may be 
competent, (I know that I am not,) yet ideas thrown out 
on the subject from different quarters, when collected, a 
system may be formed which will remove the objections 
and convince individuals, that their private interest will be 
promoted by an adoption thereof. 

I beg leave to premise here, that in the towns near the 
sea, and from which timber may be drawn for our shipping, 
it will require for this purpose, timber for our buildings 
and fences, and wood for fuel, about one fourth of the land ; 
for this the rocky, the hilly, and even mountainous should 
be occupied ; on these lands the growth will be less rapid, 
but more firm ; and the timber more durable. For it is a 
law in nature, that the most rapid productions are not the 
most durable. And it is highly probable, that in every 
town, lands may be appropriated for these important ends, 
which cannot, with like advantages, be otherwise appropri- 
ated. There are some thousand acres of land in the town 
in which I live [Hingham] which will not keep more than 
one sheep to an acre ; and I know that to be the case in some 
neighbouring towns. These lands, though very rocky, for- 
merly were covered with an excellent growth of valuable 
oak timber ; after that was cut off, these lands, laying com- 
mon, were fed so closely as to prevent the wood from get- 
ting up. The consequence has been, that it is now cov- 



192 On the cultivation of the Oak. 

ered with bushes on which neither the black cattle nor 
sheep will feed. Although there is not any fact more ea- 
sily demonstrated, than that it would be for the interest of 
the holders of such lands to plant them, without loss of 
time, with the acorn ; yet as the advantage cannot soon be 
reaped, and as some expence must in the first instance be 
involved in the measure, people are deterred from adopting 
it, and do not make the necessary calculations which are 
indispensable to a right judgment in the matter. 

These lands are worth in their present state, (most of 
them being fenced) about seven dollars an acre. It will 
cost three dollars more an acre to seed them. The interest 
of that sum for four years, (the term that the sheep and 
all cattle must be kept out) two dollars and forty cents ; 
so that the land at the term you may feed again will amount 
to twelve dollars and forty cents ; allowing that keeping 
of the sheep as formerly, paid the interest of seven dollars 
an acre, then the owner is to look for the annual interest of 
five dollars and forty cents, for money expended in plant- 
ing, and for the interest of the whole during the term 
the sheep were kept out for a reimbursement of the 
interest on this sum, about thirty two cents ; which added 
to the principal, at the end of sixteen years, at which time 
the trees will be twenty years old, the land will amount to 
seventeen dollars an acre. The acorn should be planted 
six feet one from the other, each allowed to occupy thirty 
six square feet of ground. This division will give twelve 
hundred trees on each acre. After the expiration of twen- 
ty years, you may begin to cut and thin the tops ; and 
may take out the full value of your interest money ever af- 
ter, if proper attention is paid to the grove. No cattle or 
sheep may ever after be permitted to feed in it. Swine 
may be turned in at Autumn to receive the acorns. In 
thinning the wood, great care should be taken to leave the 
most healthy and vigorous trees. Those so chosen and 
left for timber should be at the distance, at least, of twenty 
feet one from the other. The intermediate spaces may be 
always kept full to be cut for fuel, as it may be needed. 
The stock will be kept good ; for many will spring up 
around the stumps of one tree cut down, if no cattle are suf- 
fered to browse on them. From the larger trees being so 



On the cultivation of the Oak. 193 

thinly dispersed, they will, if not cut, become large ; and 
if the soil is strong be fit for any other use. Care must 
however be always taken, that when one of these are re- 
moved, another must be chosen to supply its place. After 
fifty years, one hundred acres of land, so covered with wood 
and timber, may be justly considered as a source of wealth, 
especially if near the shores, or large trading towns. 

Such attention has been paid to the growth of oaks in 
Great Britain, that they are brought to such an enormous 
size, as many years since to be worth fifty pounds sterling 
a tree. 

We suffer exceedingly at this day by the ill judged poli- 
cy of permitting the cattle to run at large in the woods, es- 
pecially in the full settled towns. Those tracts reserved 
for building, timber, fencing-stuff, and fuel, are constantly 
thinning, and many of them are ruined as wood land, there 
are so large a proportion of cattle turned out, compared with 
the plants which come up in the spring, and the shoots 
which appear around the stumps of trees fallen the year be- 
fore — Cattle never will eat the twigs of the branches while 
they can find any of these delicate and succulent plants just 
sprung up, on which they can feed. The growth of these 
plants are too important to the publick to have them so wan- 
tonly destroyed, as in most places they now are at this day. 
I am fully in opinion, that in the old cleared towns, the 
few cattle fed in the woods are more expensive and injuri- 
ous to the common interest, than if lands were ploughed, 
and grain sowed, on which they might feed. Few cattle 
run in the woods in the old towns ; but enough to keep 
the natural growth of the wood in all places in check, and 
in some to the total destruction of it. 

I know that it may be said, and probably will be, that an 
act restraining cattle from running at large in the woods, 
would be depriving the poor of a benefit which they now 
enjoy. The poor must certainly be attended to and pro- 
tected ; but if they must be a public burden, in the name 
of common justice, let us, in doing this, duly consult all 
the economy in our power which shall.be consistent with 
a complete discharge of a duty so incumbent. Had a 
measure of this kind been adopted fifty years ago, we 

E E 



1 94 Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 

should at this hour, I am confident, have had large tracts 
of good wood and timber lands, now lying in brush. 

Ideas of immediate profits urge mankind on to prompt 
and constant exertions; while looking forward to a distant 
period for the enjoyment of the fruit of their labors be- 
gets in them inactivity and languor. Nor is this all: they 
are now invited to a measure untried by them or their 
fathers ; and we find from every day's experience how hard 
it is to lead men off from their old habits, and to engage 
them to enter on new pursuits with confidence. Grounds 
untrodden will be entered with caution ; and if to explore 
them becomes interesting to the publick, it is expected 
that they should give support to the attempt. 



[The following portion of this ecclesiastical history is 
published from a first copy ; not having received the last 
correction of its author, the Rev. John Eliot, d. d.] 

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS. 

Continued from Vol. X. p. 37. 

Account of the third synod in the colony of Massachusetts 
Bay ; of the proceedings of the government with regard 
to the Baptists and Quakers. 

The synod, which assembled in Boston, 1662, was the 
third assembly of this sort, called by the publick authority. 
The first met at Newtown, soon after named Cambridge ; 
the result of which was a censure upon the antinomian 
or familistical errours then spreading through the planta- 
tions. Among the worthies, who constituted this ecclesi- 
astical body, were governors Winthrop and Dudley, men 
of renown in their times, and who have been honoured 
by succeeding generations. Sir Henry Vane, governor the 
year preceding, led the people who were opposed to the 
opinions generally accounted orthodox. Mr. Wheelright, 
among the ministers, was the preacher who excited the 
most commotion ; but it was said, that Mr. Cotton had 



Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 195 

given his name and influence to the party. The effects, 
which the result of this synod had upon the community, are 
described in a former part of this history. Eighty-two 
opinions were declared to be heretical. 

The second synod met at Cambridge in 1646, and ad- 
journed to September 30, 1648. 

Notwithstanding the zeal which so many wise and 
judicious men had shown for the faith delivered to the 
saints, yet the churches had no uniform scheme of disci- 
pline. A bill was therefore introduced into the General 
Court for calling a synod, which should devise a plan or 
platform of church government. Upon this occasion a 
dispute of a peculiar nature arose, which may excite sur- 
prise to people not much acquainted with the affairs of this 
country ; but will cause no astonishment in the minds of 
those who know the character of our fathers, and the re- 
publican sentiments which then prevailed in church and 
state. 

The deputies of the several congregations would not 
yield such a power to the civil magistrate, as they assumed 
by calling a synod. They were jealous, that such a power 
in the hands of the legislature might afterwards be exerted 
to impose upon the churches a uniformity of practice in 
things which the Author of our religion had made indifferent; 
but the magistrates urged, that it was the province of the 
General Court to encourage truth and peace among the 
people ; and allowing, that the determinations of the sy- 
nod were only to be proposed to the churches, by way of 
advice and counsel, and not as an injunction, there could 
be no ground for their jealousy or fears. The business 
was delayed, some time, on account of this difference ; 
but at length a compromise was made. The court con- 
sented, that " their order, directed to the several churches 
for sending their delegates, should be drawn up in the form 
of a motion, and not of command." All were satisfied with 
this, except the people in Boston. They were influenced, 
in a great measure, by the opinion of Mr. Cotton, who was 
himself not more jealous of the authority of government, 
than others were of his introducing the power of the New 
England priesthood. When the order of the court was 
read to this church, no vote could be obtained to send del- 



196 Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 

egates to the synod ; yet the clause in the order of the 
court was only this, " What should be presented to them 
by the synod they would give such allowance to, as should 
be meet." If the opposition of the Boston church pro- 
ceeded from a love of religious freedom, we must com- 
mend their zeal, though we do not favour or approve 
their religious scruples. If it sprung from party spirit, 
and a fear, that the laity should have a voice in ecclesiasti- 
cal affairs, which the teacher of this church manifested 
in his other writings, they have less credit for their oppo- 
sition. Mr. Williams of Salem was not alone in say- 
ing, that Mr. Cotton wished to be high priest, or that he 
acted like one in some respects, and thought that his 
opinion should be decisive, even in the civil affairs of the 
colony. 

In the midst of this dispute, Mr. Norton visited Boston. 
He was one of the most popular ministers in the colony, 
and very impressive in the pulpit. The arguments of the 
sermon which he preached at the Thursday lecture, had the 
desired effect. It convinced the Boston church, that they 
were wrong. They gave up their opposition, and agreed 
to send their teacher, and three others, as messengers to 
the synod. 

The synod, it was observed, assembled in Cambridge, 
towards the close of 1646, and adjourned from time to 
time, until the 30th September, 1648, when they had a 
complete session for business. 

The third synod, called A. D. 1662, was held in Boston. 
The cause of its convening, as we learn from the writers of 
that period, was a question concerning the subjects of bap- 
tism. The platform of church discipline, comprising 
the constitution of the churches, did not embrace this sub- 
ject so fully, as to suit different periods of the settlement. 
Some particular points, concerning the continuation and 
combination of churches, needed a more explicit statement. 
By the care and wisdom of the General Court this became 
not only the subject of discussion, but was settled to gen- 
eral satisfaction, and introduced more religious freedom, 
than had been before known in the colony. Individuals 
supposed such latitude in things of religion not consistent 
with the order of the gospel. The majority of the synod 



Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 197 

however supposed " they stood perfect and complete in 
the will of God." " To the law and the testimony," said 
they, " we do w r holly refer ourselves; and, if any thing be 
found contrary, let it be rejected." 

To the first question of the General Court, who are the 
subjects of baptism ? 

Their answer was, 1. u That the members of the visible 
church are the subjects of baptism." 

2. " The members of the visible church, according to 
scripture, are confederate visible believers, in particular 
churches, and their infant seed, i. e. children in minority, 
whose next parents, one or both, are in covenant." 

3. " The infant seed of confederate visible believers are 
members of the same church with their parents, and, when 

;rown up, are personally under the watch, discipline, and 
;overnment of the church." 

4. " These adult persons are not therefore to be admit- 
ted to full communion, merely because they are and con- 
tinue members, without such further qualifications, as the 

r ord of God requireth thereunto." 

5. " Church members, who were admitted in minority, 
inderstanding the doctrine of faith, and publicly professing 
:heir assent thereunto ; not scandalous in life, and solemnly 
owning the covenant before the church, wherein they give 
themselves up and their children to the Lord ; and subject 
themselves to the government of Christ in the church, 
their children are to be baptised." 

6. " Such church members, as by death, or some ex- 
traordinary providence, have been inevitably hindered from 
publicly acting as aforesaid, yet have given the church 
cause, in judgment of charity, to look at them, are so qual- 
ified ; and such, as had they been called thereunto, would 
have so acted ; their children are to be baptised." 

7. " The members of orthodox churches being sound 
in the faith, and not scandalous in life, and presenting due 
testimony thereof, these occasionally coming from one 
church, to another, may have their children baptised in the 
church, whither they come, by virtue of communion of 
churches ; but, if they remove their habitation, they ought 
orderly to covenant and subject themselves to the govern- 
ment of Christ in the church, where they settle their abode, 
and so their children to be baptised. It being the church's 



198 Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 

duty to receive such unto communion, so far as they are 
regularly fitted for the same." 

These several propositions, after a very complete discus- 
sion, were adopted and confirmed by the synod of Boston. 
Every proposition, being printed in the result, was accom- 
panied, as proofs from scripture, with a great variety of 
texts, which have been often quoted by those, who have en- 
gaged in the dispute concerning baptism. For the ques- 
tion which divided the churches at that time, has been the 
subject of many controversies since, and volumes have been 
published without giving that satisfaction to inquiring minds 
which is necessary to establish a uniform practice. 

The second question brought before the synod, was, 
Whether, according to the word of God, there ought to be a 
consociation of churches, and what should be the manner 
of it? 

The answer is in the following propositions ; 

1. " Every church, or particular congregation of visible 
saints in gospel order, being furnished with a presbytery, 
at least with a teaching elder, and walking together in truth 
and peace, hath received of the Lord Jesus full power and 
authority, ecclesiastical within itself, regularly to adminis- 
ter all the ordinances of Christ, and is not under any other 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction whatever." 

2. " The churches of Christ do stand in a sisterly rela- 
tion to each other, being united in the same faith and or- 
der, to walk by the same rule, in the exercise of the same 
ordinances, for the same end ; under one and the same po- 
litical head, the Lord Jesus Christ, which union supposes 
dor infers a communion suitable thereunto." 

3. " Communion of churches is the faithful improve- 
ment of the gifts of Christ bestowed upon them for his ser- 
vice and glory, and their mutual good and edification, ac- 
cording to capacity and opportunity." 

4. "Acts of communion of churches are such as these. 
1. Hearty care and prayer for one another. 2. To afford 
relief by communication of their gifts in temporal or spir- 
itual necessities. 3. To maintain unity and peace, by giv- 
ing account of their public actions, when it is orderly de- 
sired ; and to strengthen one another in their regular ad- 
ministrations, as in special, by a concurrent testimony 
against persons justly censured." 



Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 1 99 

4. "To seek help from and give help to each other in 
divisions and contentions, whereby the peace of the church 
is disturbed; in matters of more than ordinary importance, 
as ordination, translation, and deposition of elders, and such 
like ; in doubtful and difficult questions and controversies, 
doctrinal and practical ; also for the rectifying of mal-ad- 
ministrations, and healing of errours and scandals, that are 
unhealed among themselves ; in love and faithfulness to 
take notice of the troubles and difficulties, errours and scan- 
dals of another church, and to administer help (when the 
case manifestly calls for it) though they should so neglect 
their own good and duty, as not to seek it. To admonish 
one another, when there is need or cause for it, and after 
due means with patience used, to withdraw from a church, 
or peccant part of it, obstinately persisting in errour or 
scandal, as the platform directs." 

5. "Consociation of churches is their solemn and mutual 
agreement to exercise communion in such acts as aforesaid, 
among themselves, with special reference to those church- 
es, as by providence are planted in a convenient vicinity, 
though with liberty received without offence to make use 
of others, as the nature of the case, or advantage of oppor- 
tunity may lead unto." 

6. "The churches of Christ of this country, having so 
good an opportunity for it, it is meet to be commended un- 
to them, as their duty thus to consociate." 

7. "The manner of the churches' agreement herein, or 
entering into this consociation, may be by each church's 
openly consenting unto the things here declared, in answer 
to the 2d question ; as also what is said thereon in chap. 
15, 16, of the platform of discipline, in reference to other 
churches in this colony and country." 

8. "The manner of exercising and practising this com- 
munion, which their agreement and consent especially tend- 
eth thereunto, may be by making use of elders, or able 
men of other churches, or by the more solemn meetings of 
both elders and messengers in lesser or greater counsels, as 
the matter shall require." 

Every proposition here mentioned is also confirmed by 
texts of scripture ; but they are taken chiefly from the Old 
Testament, as the sentiments of baptism were supported 
by texts from the apostolick writings. 



200 Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 

From the result of this synod we have a very complete 
view of the discipline of Congregational churches, or, as 
some have styled them, New England churches; for this 
kind of discipline and communion is almost peculiar to 
New England. 

The fathers of Massachusetts had very different ideas of 
church government from the settlers at Plymouth ; some 
of whom had been Brownists, though convinced of their 
errours before they left Leyden. But after this synod had 
finished their result, the churches in the old colony and the 
churches in the other state coalesced in their opinion. The 
Congregational mode differed from the Browmists, because 
it gave authority to the pastor or teacher. It was not al- 
lowed for the brethren to preach or to administer ordinan- 
ces, [t differed from the Independents, because it held a 
communion of churches, of which they were jealous, lest 
it should lead to classes and to a priestly government. But 
it resembled Independency in this, that every christian so- 
ciety constitutes a complete church within itself, with pow- 
er to establish regulations for the conduct of its affairs, "so 
that the same be not contrary to the word of God ; and to 
revise, alter, and amend them, as may appear to be needful." 

It is very different from the Presbyterian government ; 
because, as it will not admit of classes, presbyteries, &c. 
and also in the just and liberal sentiment, "The New Tes- 
tament doth not prescribe any one form of government 
in such a manner, as to render any other form unlawful." 
They, who adhere to the solemn league and covenant make 
the converse of this an article of their belief, as well as they 
who hold the divine right of episcopacy. If men, fond of 
ecclesiastical dominion, think a democratick spirit governs 
our churches, may not independent churches describe the 
various efforts of bigotry which have been made to support 
the divine rights of episcopacy and presbyterianism ? 

In favour of our liberality in ecclesiastical affairs, we 
may bring such reasons, as have been frequently offered, 
that the scriptural directions concerning ministers are equal- 
ly applicable to the several denominations of christians, and 
the exhortations and rules concerning the establishment 
and order of church government are sufficient to correct the 



Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 201 

abuses to which all forms are liable.* Such a liberty with 
regard to the forms of the church government, is agreeable 
to the genius of the christian dispensation. 

The result of the synod, which is the subject of the pres- 
ent notice, was considered by the legislature of the colony, 
as a system of just rules and directions for the churches, as 
appears by their resolve. 

At the General Court held in Boston, New r England, the 
eighth of October, 1662; 

" The court having read over the result of the synod, 
"judge meet to recommend the same to the consideration 
" of all the churches and people of the jurisdiction, and for 
" this end do order the printing thereof." 

The influence of the political fathers of the colony, and 
of the majority of the clergy, doubtless had great effect in 
establishing peace and good order in the churches ; but it 
could not quell opposition. A very great innovation was 
made by admitting to baptism, the children of those, who 
did not partake of the Lord's supper. A protest was made 
by some of the most eminent characters in this ecclesiasti- 
cal body ; ministers, whose praise was in all the churches. 
President Chauncy Spoke, and protested, and wrote against 
the proceedings of the synod. He had been famous in his 
own country for his learning, piety, and energy of charac- 
ter. He was therefore a star of the first magnitude in this 
hemisphere. 

Mr. Davenport, of New Haven, was also a writer in the 
controversy; a man who would have adorned any age of the 
church, by his knowledge and virtue. To them was ad- 
ded a young man, who exhibited a dawn of genius, which 
raised the hopes of his friends ; nor were these hopes disap- 

* By comparing incidental passages in the journeying of Paul, with the information 
collected from his epistles, we may form a conception of the plan of government 
which he established in some churches. But the book of Acts doth not enable us to 
follow that apostle through his whole progress ; and of what was done by other apostles, 
who visited different quarters of the world, scripture gives little information, and an- 
cient writters speak uncertainly. Our knowledge only extends to one apostle. But 
we draw a conclusion, which the premises no ways warrant, when we infer, that 
what was done by one apostle in planting churches, was done by all the apostles in 
planting all the churches. The presumption is, that instead of following one uniform 
course, they would, in every city, accommodate their establishments for the edification 
of their converts, and the future increase of believers; the number of those whom they 
had added to the church, to the population of the city, and to the qualification of the 
different offices which persons possessed ; and that they would have many things to 
be settled, as future occasions should require." 

Hill on the Constitution of the Church of Scotland. 

Ff 



202 Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 

pointed, when they beheld its meridian lustre. This was 
Mr. Increase Mather, afterwards President of Harvard 
College, and agent from the province to the court of Great 
Britain. 

To manage the controversy with such men more than 
common abilities and learning were required ; but men 
w r ere to be found equal to it among the divines of Massa- 
chusetts, scholars who had been eminent in the universi- 
ties of Europe, but who preferred to be ministers of Christ 
in this wilderness, where they could maintain their integrity, 
to any literary distinctions, or gorgeous appearance in their 
own country, where they could not be virtuous and happy. 

Mr. Allen, the first minister of the church gathered at 
Dedham, made a very able reply to the Antisynodalia of 
President Chauncy. Mr. Richard Mather, pastor of the 
church at Dorchester, was requested to answer Mr. Daven- 
port, and Mr. Mitchel, of Cambridge, entered the lists in a 
controversy with Mr. I. Mather of Boston ; but we shall 
give a more particular account of this theological dispute 
in the following pages. 

It is one main design of the writter of this ecclesiastical 
history, to give a view of all the controversies which have 
agitated the churches, since the settlement of the country. 
This may serve as an apology for his being so minute in re- 
lating the affairs of this third synod of Massachusetts ; also 
those things which were combined with, or consequent 
upon the result. The polemick writings it occasioned, 
though not without acrimony, were less bitter, than disputes 
among divines commonly are, when they engage with re- 
ligious zeal, and their darling prejudices operate. 

The result of the Boston synod involved in it the most 
important consequences. It made a complete alteration in 
the practice and discipline of the churches through the land. 
It gave a latitude to people upon the subject of baptism, 
which the first settlers either did not comprehend, or 
thought inconsistent with the purity of christian ordinances. 
But the times were altered, and it was necessary, they 
thought, to change with them. The first planters were all 
church members, and, from a kind of religious sympathy, 
all who settled with them became christian communicants, 
as a part of their duty. They could not hold an office in 



Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 203 

the commonwealth, except they partook of the Lord's sup- 
per. Hence many, without understanding the nature of the 
service required of them, became professors, perhaps from 
political motives, and affected to be serious. But after 
thirty years had elapsed, a numerous progeny arose, and 
some, by exercising their minds, held different opinions, or 
were under a certain influence from their apprehensions and 
fears. Multitudes of well disposed persons were ready to 
own Christ as their Saviour, to renew their covenant, (ac- 
cording to the expression of our churches,) who could not 
come up to that " experimental account of regeneration, 
which every church then required of them, before they 
could gain access to the Lord's table." 

" Now to make no ecclesiastical difference," to use the 
words of Dr. Cotton Mather, " between these hopeful can- 
didates and competants for the eucharist, and pagans, who 
might happen to hear the word of God in our assemblies, 
was judged an unwarrantable strictness, which would quick- 
ly abandon the country unto circumstances by no means 
to be wished for. But, on the other side, it was feared, 
that if all those, who had not exposed themselves by censur- 
able scandals found upon them, should be admitted to all 
the privileges in our churches, a worldly generation of men 
might arise before we are aware, carry all things into such 
a course of proceeding, as would be too disagreeable to the 
kingdom of heaven, which our church is to represent in 
the world." But a remark ought not to be omitted which 
Mr. Neal makes, in his history of New England. " I con- 
fess it looks like an odd assertion to me, to call a person a 
member of a church, who has no right to its privileges, and 
yet remains exposed to its censures." 

Others have said, that Mr. Davenport's book hath over- 
thrown the propositions of the synod, according to their 
own principles. But they approve not his judgment, or his 
reasoning, upon the whole. They would have a greater 
latitude. Among the liberal clergy, as some call them, all 
the children of baptised persons enjoyed this privilege ; 
and among those who worshipped according to the strait- 
est sect of the first reformers, were Dr. Owen and Dr. 
Thomas Goodwin, who assert, " that the seed of the faith- 
ful are the subjects of baptism, whether their parents are 



204 Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 

confederated in particular churches or not." Neither of 
these opinions have been established to complete satisfac- 
tion, as we may judge from the variety of schemes which 
are still supported by divines in their writings. 

The controversy was commenced by the New England 
divines in 1662, with a work of Mr. Chauncy, which he 
styled Antisynodalia Americana. Whatever this great 
man did was with energy and spirit, as well as knowledge; 
and this certainly was a very learned performance. 

Mr. Allen of Dedham, who, as we before observed, made 
a reply to Mr. Chauncy's book, was a judicious and sensi- 
ble writer in the opinion of his contemporaries. He was 
a " courteous man," and his writings were an exhibition 
of his temper. Such men often find great advantage in a 
disputation ; being cool and collected, they see where they 
can make the best attack, and how they can guard them- 
selves from committing errours. 

These worthy men did not continue the controversy, af- 
ter having made the first efforts to gain the publick opinion ; 
but it was carried on by Mr. Davenport, and Mr. R. Math- 
er of Dorchester. Both these gentlemen had written large- 
ly upon church government, and were leading characters 
in each colony. In the synod of 1648, Mr. M. was one 
of the three, who were chosen to draw up a plan of church 
discipline. The opinion has descended through the medi- 
um of the family, that the platform, so long in use, though 
now grown obsolete, was chiefly composed by him. His 
answer to Mr. Davenport was doubtless an able discussion, 
and as liberal as it was masterly. We have the opinion of 
Mr. Higginson of Salem, who says, that in this book "he 
shewed himself a pattern to all the answerers, to the end of 
the world." 

Mr. Davenport entitled his book, in opposition to the 
synod, " Another Essay for Investigation of Truth." 

Mr. Mather's was entitled, "A Defence of the Answer, 
&c. of the Synod, #-c." 

The controversial writings would perhaps have ended 
here, had not Mr. Davenport printed in his book an apolo- 
getical preface, written by the Rev. Mr. Mather of Boston, 
a young man who was willing to enter the lists against his 
own father. Whether this was a zeal for the truth, or a de- 
sire to show his talents, in either case he needed an apology; 






Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 205 

for he might have left the business to those famous men, 
who appeared fully equal to manage it on both sides. If he 
were eager to appear with the authors upon this subject, he 
soon found that a young man of superior powers of mind 
was able to bring him to a proper view of himself. 

Mr. Mitchel of Cambridge was requested to answer Mr. 
Mather's apologetical preface, which he did, in such a mas- 
terly way, that his antagonist was brought over to his opin- 
ion. An abridgement of the arguments used in this con- 
troversy, both by the apologist and his opponent, is exhib- 
ited in the Magnolia Americana, composed by Dr. Cotton 
Mather, who never misses the opportunity of describing 
the wisdom, or the admirable talents of Mr. Mitchel. * In 
the Remarkables of Dr. I. Mather, which he published A. D. 
1724, he says, " that in this dispute he not only surrender- 
ed himself a clad captive to the truth so gloriously cleared, 
(which Mr. M. had the unspeakable satisfaction to know 
before he died,) but also obliged the church of God, by pub- 
lishing unto the world a couple of unanswerable treatises 
in defence of the synodical propositions, in which he ex- 
presses very much of his inexpressible value for his excel- 
lent opponent and conqueror. He more than once, in this 
and his other writings, styles his friend, " the matchless 
Mitchel." 

He also gives this advice to those, who protested against 
the result of the synod, that they should be less jealous of 
the brethren, and not to dread the bad consequences which 
they had asserted would follow the alteration made in the 
practice of the churches. "Brethren I was once of your 
persuasion ; but study, and prayer, and much affliction, has 
brought me to be of another belief than what I was." The 

*He was born at Halifax, Berkshire, in 1624, and came over to this country with 
his father in the year 1635, and was educated at Harvard College. He was one of 
the best scholars, while a student of that seminary, and received the honours of it in 
1647. His genius was so great, that in a few years he was one of the most celebrated 
preachers in the colony. Equally learned, pious and eloquent, he discovered a mind 
of an elevated and serious cast. His style and conversation was distinguished by great 
fervour of sentiment. He was equally remarkable for moderation and dignity of char- 
acter, as we may judge from the opinion of the famous Richard Baxter, who said, if 
there was an oecumenical council of the whole christian world to be held, Mr. Mitch- 
ell was worthy to be moderator of it. It was a proof of the high sense entertained of 
his acquirements and virtues, that he was chosen pastor of the church of Cambridge, 
when he was to succeed such eminent men as Hooker and Shepard. His diligence 
and application were equal to the powers of his mind, and he gained equal credit for 
his exemplary holiness and catholick charity. The students of the college beheld him 
with equal admiration and love. But he was cut off in the midst of his life and use- 
fulness. He was seized with a malignant disorder just after he' had left the pulpit, 
having ministered to the church at Cambridge 18 years ; and he died July 9, 1668. 



206 Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 

sentiments he imbibed after thinking and writing so much 
upon the subject were these; 

"We are to distinguish a particular church, as it is more 
strictly taken for a particular corporation of covenanting 
believers, entrusted by our Lord with the keys of the 
kingdom of heaven, and as it is more largely taken from 
that special part of our Lord's visible church, which doth 
subsist in this or that particular place ; and that a mem- 
bership of the catholick church discovered by a relation to 
a particular church, not in the former but in the latter 
case, is the formal claim to baptism; and so the qualifica- 
tions in the 5th proposition give a right to it." 

What is here related is from the Remarkables of Dr. I. 
Mather, published after his death. In his church history, 
published twenty years before, Dr. C. Mather had thus 
introduced the subject, paying a tribute to the merit of his 
father's character; 

" If the apologist were one who so signalized a modest 
sense of second thoughts, it can be reckoned no disparage- 
ment to him; until the humility of Austin in his retractations, 
or the ingenuity of Bellarmine in his recognitions, come to 
be accounted blemishes ; or until Bucers, yea, and Luthers, 
change their opinions about consubstantiation, and the re- 
covery of Zuinglius from inclinations to antipedobaptism 
shall be esteemed the disgrace of these renowned men ; or 
until Mr. Robinson be blamed for composing his weighty 
arguments against the rigid separation which once he had 
zealously defended. In fine, I will upon this occasion, ap- 
ply the words of the famous Dr. Owen, to the froward Mr. 
Cawdry, to take off the charge of inconstancy laid upon him 
for his appearing in behalf of the Congregational church 
discipline; "He that can glory, that in fourteen years he 
hath not altered, or improved his conceptions of some things 
of no greater importance than these mentioned, shall not 
have me for his rival" 

Amidst the opposition that was made to the synod's re- 
sult, the different opinions entertained by some churches, 
and the difference of individuals, in the same church, 
where the majority preferred the alteration prescribed ; the 
New England churches were nearly uniform in their prac- 
tice, to baptise the children of all, who were ready to make 



Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 207 

a public profession of religion, without requiring them to 
partake of the Lord's supper. The parents were required, 
however, to submit themselves to the discipline of the 
church, where the children were baptised, and to study the 
subject till their doubts were removed, which, at the time 
of improving one ordinance, prevented them from enjoying 
the other. 

This practice of the churches continued till the present 
generation, with a few exceptions ; but, of late years, the 
people in many parts of the country, have returned back to 
the primitive mode of New England, the consequence of 
which is, that multitudes of the present generation, beside 
those who believe, that baptism of adults only was perform- 
ed by the apostles, have never had their names recorded 
with the members of the visible church ; and there is, also, 
a growing indifference towards it, in our Congregational 
churches. 

It was not to be supposed that every member of the as- 
sembly agreed with the synod, which established the plat- 
form, A. D. 1648; but when it was presented, all the 
churches received it, yet succeeding generations did not 
conform to it.* 

The other question of the consociation of the churches 
was answered to the satisfaction of the people and ministers 
at large. Very little dispute was made till a few years pre- 
ceding the revolution of these States, when a question arose 
concerning the right " a particular church may have to dis- 
miss their minister." This was the subject of controversy 
in one of the counties of Massachusetts : it excited great 
uneasiness in the neighbourhood, introduced law-suits, 
caused contentions, divisions among christians, breaches in 
churches ; such unhappy strifes and animosities as were in- 
consistent with that piety and virtue which good men ought 
to exhibit, and w T ith that peace and charity which the pre- 
cepts of the gospel recommends, or the spirit of it inspires. 

A particular account of all the proceedings will be given. 

The rise of the Baptists in Massachusetts is thus descri- 
bed by one of the fathers, an early historian of the country.f 

" But as some were studying how baptism might be en- 
larged and extended to the seed of the faithful, in their 

* Note, Neil, page 398. t Hubbard. 



208 Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 

several generations, there were others'as studious to de- 
prive all unadult children thereof, and restrain the privilege 
only to adult believers." A society it seems had been 
formed, and did administer the ordinances in a manner which 
they thought agreeable to the scriptures. Some of these 
had been " excommunicated from other churches," but 
whether for their principles or any immoral practices, is not 
handed down. It is most likely that they absented them- 
selves from the Congregational churches. This was con- 
sidered as "not walking in the order of the gospel. Hence, 
because they did not attend, they were suspended, and re- 
ceived the sentence of excommunication. In like manner 
the Baptist churches have since proceeded. An admonition 
was sent to the assembly of the Antipcedobaptists, which 
appeared to dissolve their meeting ; but they continued to 
assemble themselves together after they were warned to 
forbear. A sentence was then passed upon them, that they 
should be disfranchised, if they were freemen ; and if they 
obstinately continued in their practice, they should be com- 
mitted to prison, upon conviction before one magistrate, 
or the county court, until the pleasure of the General Court 
could be known. By this severity it was expected the 
progress of the society would be retarded ; but it proved 
otherwise, as a very little knowledge of human nature 
would have taught those statesmen and divines, who acted 
less like christians, than like partizans of an established 
church, ready to destroy the dissenting interest. The prin- 
ciples of toleration were also better known than they had 
been, when the church of England first set their faces 
against the puritans. But in everyplace the cry of oppres- 
sion had been heard, and in every country, and in every de- 
nomination of christians, we have found inconsistent people. 

Such observations will again occur, when we consider, 
how other sects and denominations have been treated in 
Massachusetts, especially from the accounts, which the 
Quakers give of their persecution. 

The Baptists had just reason to complain, but their suf- 
ferings were less ; nor doth their history make so promi- 
nent a part of our ecclesiastical affairs during the century 
in which they first appeared. 



Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 209 

Mr. Hubbard divides his history into so many lustres of 
years. This word, now almost obsolete in the English lan- 
guage, is a translation of lustrum, a Latin term for five years. 

From the year 1657 to the year 1662, when the result 
of the third synod was publicly declared, much important 
matter occurs for ecclesiastical research. Severe laws were 
made against the Baptists, and against the Quakers ; such 
as manifested the spirit, if not the rage of persecution. 
On the other hand, there was a degree of religious liberty 
manifested, which was encouraged by the very Court, that 
would have deprived others of their mode of worship. 

Our early historians wrote under the influence of strong 
prejudices against those, who set up in opposition to the au- 
thority of government, or to the order, of the churches. The 
writers on the side of the separation have also given a view 
of the public proceedings, with expressions of resentment, 
and prejudices equally strong. We ought, and we have en- 
deavoured to collect facts, to compare the various accounts, 
and to make remarks with equal justice and candour. In 
this age of free enquiry, if any bias be upon the mind, it is 
certainly in favor of toleration. 

Those persons, who were banished from Massachusetts, 
on account of antinomian errours, planted a new colo- 
ny,* with such religious privileges, as no other people ever 
enjoyed. Each man thought for himself, and every gifted 
brother was qualified for a teacher. They agreed " to be 
governed by the perfect laws of Christ, as a body politick." 
They met together as a body of freemen, January 2, 1639, 
and chose a judge, "who, together with the elders, should 
rule and govern, according to the general rules of the word 
of God, when they had no particular rule from God's word, 
by the body prescribed as a direction to them in that case." 
They changed their government afterwards ; and they 
worshipped according to the mode which their favourite 
teacher adopted. 

In 1639, Mr. Williams was baptized by one of his breth- 
ren, and then he baptized ten more. Soon after, he would 
not administer any ordinance, giving as a reason, " that 
as sacrifices and other acts of worship were omitted by the 
people, while the temple lay in ruins, and that they were 

*Rhode Island, 
G G 



2 \ Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 

restored again, by the immediate inspiration of heaven, so 
that such direction was necessary, to restore the ordinances 
of baptism and the supper, since the desolation of the 
church, in mystical Babylon."* 

The church at Providence, which he had planted, con- 
tinued, however, to administer the ordinance of baptism to 
adults. Mr. Thomas Olney was chosen pastor, who lived 
beyond the period of our present research. 

In 1644, Mr. John Clark formed a church of Baptists 
at Newport. As many went over to the opinion, and this 
sect increased, and were spreading over the colony, the 
governors of Massachusetts Bay were alarmed ; and to 
prevent the progress of it among them, they made a law, 
which was dated November 13, 1644. 

" Forasmuch as experience hath plentifully and often 
proved, that since the first rising of the Anabaptists, about 
100 years since, they have been the incendiaries of the 
commonwealths, and the infectors of persons in main mat- 
ters of religion, and the troublers of churches in all pla- 
ces where they have been, and that they who have held the 
baptizing of infants unlawful, have usually held other er- 
rours or heresies together therewith, though they have (as 
other heretics use to do) concealed the same till they spied 
out a fit advantage and opportunity to vent them, by way 
of question or scruple, &c. &c. ; it is ordered and agreed 
that if any person or persons, within this jurisdiction, shall 
either openly condemn or oppose the baptizing of infants, 
or go about secretly to seduce others from the approbation 
or use thereof, or shall purposely depart the congregation 
at the ministration of the ordinance, or shall deny the ordi- 
nance of magistracy, or their lawful right and authority to 
make war, or to punish the outward breaches of the first table, 
and shall appear to the court wilfully and obstinately to con- 
tinue therein after due time and means of conviction, every 
such person or persons shall be sentenced to banishment.^" 

Mr. Callender's century sermon comprises a very accu- 
rate history of the Baptists in this country. No writer 
exhibits a fairer mind, or greater love of truth. 

* These instances of the eccentricities of this extraordinary man, are taken from 
governor Winthrop, and his own writings, not from any accounts of later authors, 
who were prejudiced against him. 

+ Massachusetts Records. 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 211 



MEMOIR TOWARDS A CHARACTER OF 
REVEREND JOHN ELIOT, S. T. D. 

Biography should be strictly regulated by the laws cf 
truth and justice. When public gratitude pours forth 
its acknowlegments, over the remains of a nation's orna- 
ment and benefactor ; or when private affection vents its 
sorrows, at the departure of an endeared friend ; some al- 
lowance may be made, some licence given, for panegyric. 
But history should be the record of fact, and the expres- 
sion of the writer's deliberate judgment. 

The subject of the present sketch really possessed such 
intellectal powers and attainments, as well as religious, 
moral, and social excellence, that the simple narrative 
of truth would be sufficient eulogy. The measure of 
praise, which justice might warrant, must be qualified by 
what is believed and known to have been his opinion re- 
specting notices of the dead. His elevated principles of 
integrity concurred with the correctness of his taste, in op- 
posing all extravagance of commendation. His testimo- 
nials respecting others, were governed by as scrupulous 
regard to veracity, as if they had been in the form of legal 
testimony, and under the sanction of an oath. They were 
faithfully copied from certain knowledge of events, or full 
conviction of the real character. The same purpose and 
resolution shall guide this feeble tribute ; though it cannot 
possess that discriminating exactness of colouring, and 
graceful ease of delineation, which appropriately distinguish 
the portraits he has left. [A.] 

John Eliot was born in Boston, 31 May, 1754; the 
fourth son, seventh child, of Rev. Dr. Andrew and Mrs. 
Elizabeth Eliot. [B.] 

From earliest years he manifested such amiable disposi- 
tions, and displayed such mild and agreeable manners, that 
he became especially endeared to his connections ; and ex- 
cited peculiar interest among the friends and acquaintance 
of his family. He discovered too, such powers of mind 
and eagerness for improving them, as excited the fondest 
hopes and confident expectations of his future distinction 



212 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

and usefulness, if his life should be spared. His habit of 
body was slender ; his health was so delicate and so fre- 
quently interrupted, that no little solicitude blended with 
the affection which his virtues and talents inspired in the 
domestic circle. By the favour of providence the tender 
plant was not cut down ; and the attention, with which it 
was nurtured, was prospered to its acquiring vigour, and 
expanding to maturity. 

Blessed, in a peculiar measure, with pious and judicious 
parents; with a father of distinguished ability, zeal, and 
fidelity, with a mother of the tenderest kindness, united with 
the most discreet and skilful care; his moral and intellectu- 
al powers, were developed and guided with happiest suc- 
cess. The religious principles in which he was instructed, 
the serious impressions made upon his ingenuous mind, 
by these wise counsellors and exemplary guardians, seem 
to have acquired a fixed and habitual dominion over him. 
The law of conscience and of scripture, which evidently 
governed the man, it is said, influenced and controlled the 
youth. He appeared to maintain a constant sense of his 
accountability ; to cultivate a spirit of devotion, as well as 
observe the rules of virtue; to be actuated not only by filial 
duty to his earthly parents, but by a realizing sense that he 
was a child of God, a candidate for eternity. To this ear- 
ly religious and moral culture, may be ascribed much of the 
self command, the suavity of temper, the benevolent and 
liberal spirit, for which through life he was justly distin- 
guished. Of the remarkable amenity of disposition and 
correctness of behaviour, which marked his juvenile char- 
acter, a good judge, under whose care he passed the latter 
portion of his pupilage, previous to his entering college, 
has borne a most feeling and emphatical testimony. "Even 
at that early season, he never did any thing wrong." 

At the age of seven years he was placed at the North 
Grammar School, in Boston, where he was prepared, under 
the parental eye, for the University at Cambridge ; into 
which he was admitted, 1768. [C.] 

His deportment and application, while at this ancient seat 
of learning, secured the warmest approbation of his instruct- 
ed; while his sweetness of temper and warmth of heart at- 
tracted the esteem and love of his associates. The attach- 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 213 

ments which he formed at this susceptible period, and a few 
subsequent years, were approved by his after reflection. 
They were founded on wisdom, and cemented by virtue. 
Some of them death had levelled; several others, strength- 
ened by duration and consecrated by piety, continued to 
life's latest hour, the objects of fond and cheering contem- 
plation. 

Although he passed through the course of collegiate in- 
struction at so early an age ; yet as his mind was well for- 
tified by principle, and his character established in recti- 
tude, he was prepared to meet its trials uninjured, to im- 
prove its opportunities to best advantage. Happily he du- 
ly appreciated the importance of the means he then enjoy- 
ed for getting wisdom : still more happily, he had that god- 
ly abhorrence of sin, that love of goodness, that reverence 
for religion, which are the best safeguards of innocence. 
He came forth from this little world of discipline and haz- 
ard, not only with unsullied, but with eminent reputation 
for propriety of manners, purity of morals, and substantial 
piety. He had acquired too, such literary distinction, that 
he received from the authority the well-earned meed of 
praise, "detur digniori :" and he was graduated, with 
the highest honours of the class. [D.] 

From college, he removed to Roxbury, and was for one 
year master of the " Feoffee-Grammar-School." In the 
same useful and interesting employment, he passed several 
months of the following winter, in the town school at Ded- 
ham. Some of those who had the benefit of his instruc- 
tions testify, that he exemplified his own views, of the 
duties of a teacher, as expressed in a notice of one of his 
respected predecessors. " No office is more important, 
and none requires more peculiar qualifications, if, instead 
of considering the routine of school exercises all that is 
neeedful, the preceptor esteems it his duty to impress the 
tender mind with a sense of divine things; to fix moral 
sentiments, and mingle lessons upon decorum of manners 
with other instructions."* 

The second year, after he had received the honours of Col- 
lege, he returned to Cambridge, and commenced more ac- 
tively his professional studies. He was a resident there, 

* Sermon before the New North Society upon the completion of their house of wor- 
ship, 2 May, 1804, p. 17. Note on Reverend Mr. John Webb, 



214 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

until the army took possession of the students' rooms, 
with their contents, in the spring vacation of 1775. On 
his endeavoring to recover the property which was in his 
chamber, some violent partizans endeavoured to excite 
suspicion of his too great attachment to the mother coun- 
try. In the language of that day of terrour, he was termed, 
by a few uneasy spirits, " a tory." While at Roxbury, he 
had been intimate in the family of Isaac Winslow, Esquire, 
a decided and warm friend to the government. His at- 
tachment lo this worthy man, led to an acquaintance with 
many of similar political principles in Cambridge, and 
elsewhere. His discriminating judgment and liberal mind 
could perceive and would acknowledge the intellectual and 
moral worth of many of these excellent characters, though 
he might not approve all their opinions. 

For nearly a year, he was in no settled place of abode. 
A part of the time was passed at Milton ; and some 
months at Braintree, [now Quincy,] with the late Honoura- 
ble Richard Cranch. For this excellent man, and his amia- 
ble partner, he, with all who knew them, cherished warm 
affection and profound esteem. He never spoke of them 
but with delighted and grateful sensibility; and they ap- 
peared to reciprocate his fond attachment. He also paid 
several visits, during this and the preceding season, to the 
late Reverend Jeremy Belknap, D. D. then minister at 
Dover, N. Hampshire. 

The marriage of this gentleman with one of his rela- 
tives had led to particular intimacy, which soon grew to the 
strongest and most ardent friendship. In many respects 
their talents and taste were congenial; both were especially 
fond of historical and biographical researches. They were 
mutual helpers of each others 7 inquiries and labours, in 
different portions of this extensive and fertile field. Their 
respect and attachment grew with their advancing years : 
and when Doctor Belknap was removed to Boston, they 
were favoured with opportunities for co-operating in their 
useful labours, and of deriving assistance one from the 
other, which each thought the most precious that could 
have been enjoyed. 

The death of this learned divine and accomplished 
scholar* was a deprivation, the overwhelming shock of 

* 20th June, 1798. 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 215 

which, his friend most sensibly felt ; ' and indeed from 
which he never seemed to have wholly recovered. 

In the latter part of 1775, or the beginning of 1776, he 
preached, for the first time, at Dover, in the pulpit of his 
valued kinsman and friend. He had become a member, 
4 June preceding, of the first church in Dedham, under 
the pastoral care of Reverend Jason Haven, with whom 
he had resided the previous winter. 

Although his plans of study were interrupted by the un- 
happy event of the war, and his arrangements defeated, as 
to the place and means of pursuing his professional inqui- 
ries; yet a mind active, indefatigable, and reflecting, like 
his, was not to be diverted from a great object, or material- 
ly affected in its pursuits, by any discouragements. Where- 
ever he was, he availed himself of the books and the society 
to which he had access, to store his understanding with im- 
portant truths, and to acquire a knowledge of mankind. 
With such intellectual men as Cranch and Belknap, he 
must ever have delighted to hold communion. His own 
powers were called into active exercise, and animation was 
given to his course of reading and reflection, Thus he 
was assiduously engaged, in laying broad and deep, a foun- 
dation for usefulness and eminence. His studies were not 
exclusively confined to subjects absolutely necessary, for 
his intended profession. In his comprehensive plan was 
embraced philosophy, as well physical as moral, history, 
classical and general literature. Several gentlemen in the 
College legislature, were more than once desirous to obtain 
his services as a tutor. Just before the commencement of 
the revolution, it was in contemplation to have appointed 
him to the Greek department. This led to a revisal of sev- 
eral of the best authors in that language ; and though, in 
consequence of the war, the arrangement did not take place, 
he had the benefit of a more thorough and critical acquaint- 
ance with the original of the New Testament, than other- 
wise he might have obtained. On the death of Mr. Wads- 
worth,* the metaphysical tutorship was offered to him ; but 
though that science was one of his "favourite studies, he 
declined the service, chiefly, it was understood, because his 
younger brother had become a member of the College. 
He thought it in some respects liable to inconvenience, as 

* 12th July, 1777. 



216 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

he himself had in a measure experienced, that of two bro- 
thers one should be tutor and the other a pupil, at the same 
time. The well-earned marks of distinction which the 
meritorious student obtains, are not unfrequently misrepre- 
sented as the result of the teacher's partiality; and the 
elder, apprehensive of this, is sometimes so strictly guarded 
against undue bias, as to withhold the deserved tribute of 
honour. It becomes extremely difficult, and is often very 
embarrassing, to adjust these contending claims, both to the 
approbation of one's self and of others ; and it was thought 
most advisable to avoid the perplexity, by foregoing a 
connection otherwise agreeable; and for which it was the 
opinion of the friends of the University, no one was better 
qualified and adapted to make good the wide breach which 
that society had suffered. 

During these years which passed in preparing for the 
ministry, wherever he resided, he was favoured with the 
best counsel and aid from his revered father ; by whom his 
own views were confirmed, that the fountain head of truth 
is the Bible. Here he applied as to infallible authority : 
other helps he sought, but this alone was regarded as de- 
cisive. He studied the scriptures with critical attention in 
the original ; he carefully acquainted himself with the his- 
tory of the church : he became familiar with the best di- 
vines in our own and other languages. He sought with 
fervour and frequency the enlightening and sanctifying in- 
fluence of that Holy Spirit by whose inspiration scripture 
was given, in order to a right understanding and due im- 
provement of the words of eternal life. He became a 
scribe well instructed to the kingdom of God ; and his 
occassional services, it is said by his contemporaries, were 
highly and justly commended by ministers and people, 
where he occasionally officiated. 

In 1776, several influential members of the Episcopal 
church at Halifax, N. S. were earnest in soliciting him to 
settle among them, as an assistant to their aged rector, 
Reverend Dr. Brenton. This gentleman eagerly united in 
the request, and voluntarily offered to relinquish 100Z. ster- 
ling of his salary, to promote so desirable an arrangement. 
The living was considered to be worth at least 300/. and 
the establishment in many respects eligible. But Mr. Eliot 






Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 217 

had a preference, on the whole, for the denomination in 
which he had been educated. The doctrines and forms of 
worship of the Episcopalians he fully approved ; for their 
discipline and order, he thought many arguments from ex- 
pediency might be urged ; but the exclusive claims of 
high church men, he never could admit. His father ex- 
pressed decided objections to the scheme, and it was re- 
linquished. 

He officiated a short time as chaplain to the recruits of 
Col. Marshal's regiment, then raising in Boston, for the 
expedition to Canada. Besides his occasional supply of 
the churches in the vicinity, he passed several months in 
assisting Rev. Mr. Rogers at Littleton, whose feeble health 
rendered him unequal to constant preaching ; and during 
the winter of 1778-9 was employed in the first church at 
Salem. He ever recollected the friendly attentions which 
he received from this people; from whom he would proba- 
bly have received an invitation to settle, (which he doubt- 
less would have accepted,) but for the impression which 
many had, that the New South Church in Boston were 
desirous of obtaining him, and that he would prefer being 
located in his native town. He had, more than once, 
preached to this latter congregation for several Sabbaths ; 
and, as appeared, to general, if not universal acceptance. 
But they, having called Mr. Clarke and received a nega- 
tive, seemed to be determined not to make proposals 
to another, without assurances, or at least a full expecta- 
tion, of the probability that they should succeed. Such 
encouragement the prospects at Salem forbad : and no de- 
cisive measures were adopted by either, when the purposes 
of both were suspended, by the sudden death of Rev. Dr. 
Andrew Eliot. 

It very soon was manifest, that the eyes of the bereaved 
and deeply afflicted church were turned, with fond regard 
and tender reliance, on the son of their deceased pastor. 
The sentiment was generally felt, and the opinion almost 
universally expressed, both by the members of the socie- 
ty and others, that " instead of the father should be the 
son." The decision was as imperative as it was unani- 
mous, among the friends of his father, and of the parish, 
that he was in duty bound to await the issue ; and that 
Hh 



218 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

other churches ought not to make any advances un- 
til that one, which was thought to have highest claims, 
should have taken their measures, and the result should be 
known. At several intervals he was employed to supply 
them, and their estimation of his services appeared to rise, 
in proportion as they became more conversant with the 
substance and the manner of his public discourses ; and 
with his discreet and interesting private conversation and 
deportment. That it might be manifest, that not affection 
only, but judgment guided the choice, they voted to hear 
three others in connexion with him ; and, at the expira- 
tion of the term of probation, a very general suffrage ex- 
pressed their fixed hope and purpose. By this choice was 
loudly proclaimed, the most unequivocal evidence of their 
thorough conviction of his amiable disposition, pure char- 
acter, and solid abilities. His whole manner of life, from 
his youth up, was intimately known ; the companions of 
his childhood, his juvenile associates, and the familiar 
friends of his mature life, hereby gave testimony that no 
fault cleaved to him. He was valued, as the son of one 
whose " praise was in all the churches," and whose memo- 
ry was truly precious to them ; but he was beloved, on ac- 
count of his own claims. It was believed, and the event 
justified the belief, that the same excellent mind was in 
him; that he had the ability and the disposition to serve them 
in the Lord, with the fidelity, and the zeal, united with the 
gentleness, and the love, which had been exhibited by 
worthies, as distinguished as have perhaps ever in succes- 
sion adorned and edified any church of our Lord. [E.] 

He was ordained 3 November, 1779, pastor of the 
New North Church. He accepted this call, and entered 
upon this charge, under a deep conviction of the solemni- 
ty and magnitude of the ministerial office, and of the pecu- 
liar degree of care and duty, which would result from a 
connexion with such a large society. The responsibility 
of a settlement in the metropolis, and the special weight 
of obligation laid on him, by the elevated character for tal- 
ents, learning, and piety of his revered predecessor, ap- 
pear greatly to have exercised his thoughts, and affected 
his heart. In his reply to the invitation, he expressed in 
a very interesting manner " the alternate emotions, with 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 219 

which his breast had been filled, when attempting to col- 
lect himself into a determination on the important subject. 
" The result of my deliberation," he added, " is an accep- 
tance of your call, being fully pursuaded, it is a duty to 
my Lord and Master, the Great Head of the church, and 
in compliance with my obligations to this very respectable 
Society. 

" I have not failed to seek that Wisdom, which is prof- 
itable to direct. I have endeavoured to draw instruction 
from the fountain of knowledge. And I doubt not that 
I have had an interest in your prayers, at the throne of 
grace, and been present in your addresses to Him, with 
whom is the residue of the Spirit. 

" I am greatly encouraged by the kind advice of many 
wise and judicious friends, both ministers and people, who 
have given their opinion, that I ought to regard this as a 
call in Providence, to which I should lend a listening ear ; 
that the will of God concerning me is, that I should rise 
up, and stand in the place of my Father." 

Commencing his pastoral labours under such impres- 
sions ; he prosecuted them as having constant reference to 
the approbation of the great Shepherd. He gave himself 
wholly to his work : was diligent in study, active in pub- 
lick and private exertions, to advance the cause and inter- 
ests of Immanuel. 

He was an unwearied and impartial inquirer after truth: 
and the result of his investigations was communicated 
with freedom, sincerity, and candour. His opinions were 
generally like those, which his father adopted and preach- 
ed; but " he called no man Master." He regretted the 
division of believers under so many names ; he disliked 
the intemperate zeal, with which some espouse and main- 
tain the peculiarities of different systems. If he had con- 
sented to enlist under any human leader, it probably 
would have been the great and amiable Watts. He lov- 
ed those divines best, who insist on the spirit and influ- 
ence of genuine Christianity ; and valued those least, who 
deal in philosophical and metaphysical subtleties. 

As his sentiments were notlatitudinarian, his temper was 
most remote from any kind of bigotry. He did not feel, 
nor affect to feel, indifference for what he had deliberately 



220 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

judged to be the truth. But he never harshly censured, 
or superciliously contemned the character or the argu- 
ments of those, who, with a sincere and serious spirit, en- 
tertained different opinions. Alike remote from each of 
the extremes, in systematick theology, he was intimately 
connected with individuals, who adopt one or the other. 
He shared in an uncommon measure the confidence of all, 
and had great influence with all. Probably no one was in 
a greater, if any one was in an equal degree, a bond of 
union among his brethren of various religious sentiments. 

The fair and flattering prospects, which opened before 
him, on entering the ministry, were realized, to as great 
an extent, as often falls to the lot of man. The union and 
prosperity of his people were near his heart, and he had 
the happiness to witness their continuance and increase. 
He was among them in uninterrupted harmony ; enjoying 
their unwavering attachment, their continually increasing 
affection, respect, and confidence. 

In the fourth year after his settlement, he doubled his 
joys and divided his cares, by a union, which was prompt- 
ed by affection, confirmed by judgment, and sanctioned by 
heaven. 

In the conjugal and parental relations, his dispositions 
qualified him to bestow, and his inclinations led him to 
seek much comfort and delight. He was a model of the 
domestic virtues ; diffusing happiness around him ; ex- 
hibiting a pattern, and inculcating principles of piety, or- 
der, and benevolence ; delighting to witness and share the 
useful improvements and the innocent gratifications of the 
family circle. 

But his household, and his flock, though they engaged, 
as they ought, his chief solicitudes, and occupied most of 
his time, were not the exclusive objects of his attention and 
care. He felt all the obligations, which flow from social 
connexions. He realized the claims, which grow out of 
the relations of civil society ; and the debt, which is due 
to our country, to strive to exalt its character, and advance 
its honour and fame, for literature, science, and the arts, 
as well as for virtue and humanity. 

He loved his native town ; and was ever ready to give 
of his counsel and his time to advance its useful establish- 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 221 

merits. To most of its charitable institutions he contrib- 
uted his liberal aid ; of many of them he assisted in the 
direction and management. Realizing the vast impor- 
tance of the means of instruction, he took a lively interest 
in the publick schools, and in every plan for their extension 
and improvement. He was one of the active and influen- 
tial founders of the " Boston Library;" which, from small 
beginnings, he had the satisfaction to see arrive at respect- 
able maturity, and promise to be an extensive and perma- 
nent benefit to the community. 

He was a decided and warm friend of the national and 
state constitutions of government. He was the advocate 
of " liberty with order;" and, though mild in his manner of 
conversing or discoursing on political topicks, he was as 
firm in his attachments to our civil rights and interests, as 
he was discreet in their support, and well acquainted with 
their true principles. 

He was a useful member of the principal associations in 
the commonwealth for advancing scientific and literary in- 
quiry and improvement, and for diffusing the blessings of 
religion. In several of them he was a highly valued offi- 
cer ; to some he rendered peculiar services. [F.] 

Of the neighbouring University he was an ornament 
and a prop. For this place of his education he ever cher- 
ished a filial regard, and proved one of its most steady, 
active, and faithful friends. Of the board of overseers he 
was among the most attentive and useful members ; and 
in the corporation, of which for the last nine years he had 
been one of the fellows, he has been indefatigable in de- 
vising measures for increasing the usefulness and advancing 
the best interests of a Society, which is now deeply pene- 
trated with the immense loss sustained by his removal. 

To him, and his friend Dr. Belknap, may the origin 
and foundation of the " Massachusetts Historical Society" 
be principally ascribed. It was a child of his most devoted 
fondness and most faithful care. He assisted largely in form- 
ing its valuable collection of ancient documents. Many 
manuscripts and other treasures were obtained both in our 
country and from abroad through his instrumentality. 
His literary and religious correspondents in the other states 
of the Union, as well as in British America, and in Eu- 



222 Memoir on Dr. Eliot 

rope, were numerous and of the first respectability. 
With England, Scotland, Germany, Italy, and Ireland, it 
is known, that he had a regular interchange of letters, and 
of publications of merit. Of these the Historical Socie- 
ty received a large share. He was in succession Librarian, 
Keeper of the Cabinet, and Corresponding Secretary; and 
was one of the Committee for publishing four of the ten 
volumes of their Collections. He was engaged in the 
first of a new series, when removed from all his earthly 
labours. Of the original materials for these volumes he 
has been by far the largest contributor. The Ecclesiasti- 
cal History of Massachusetts and Plymouth Colonies, with 
several biographical and topographical sketches, amount- 
ing to nearly a twelfth part of the whole work, it has been 
ascertained, were from his rich store house. For the im- 
portance of the matter, they form very prominent articles 
in these Collections; and from the manner of execution, in 
most respects, they would reflect honor on any writer. 

His style, in these and his other publications, is strongly 
marked with characteristick peculiarities. It is easy, nat- 
ural, and perspicuous ; considerably ornamented, yet with- 
out any apparent effort or art. A fastidious critick might 
detect some inadvertencies; and the most candid may find 
many colloquial expressions. But all must admire the 
uniform good sense, and useful thought, with which all 
his writings abound. A vein of similar originality is per- 
ceived in them, as was ever apparent in his conversation ; 
and an occasional quaintness of phraseology is readily ex- 
cused, if it be not even regarded as a beauty, in consider- 
ation of the perpetual pleasantry of allusion and felicity of 
illustration, which are scattered through his productions on 
common subjects : and the uniformly kind, and candid, 
and useful reflections, which stamp his more serious per- 
formances. [G.] 

His fondness for antiquarian researches led to such a fa- 
miliar acquaintance with our early writers, as probably had 
some influence on his own manner. His favourites, among 
the authors of our mother country, were principally of the 
former age. 

His compositions, as his manners and character, had 
much of the air and spirit of the old Puritans ; qualified 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 223 

by the catholick feelings of his own times. To their solid 
learning and substantial piety, he added a familiar acquaint- 
ance with polite literature. Few men displayed a nicer 
discernment, more correct judgment, or purer taste in es- 
timating works of genius : no one was more candid in re- 
marking on the defects ; or more liberal in praising the 
excellencies of authors or men. 

On his moral and intellectual character his friends dwell 
with unmingled delight, and the fondest admiration. To a 
numerous circle he was inexpressibly dear. Perhaps no 
man had a stronger hold on the affections of those, w 7 ith 
whom he was intimately conversant. They considered 
his talents and learning to be of the very first class. His 
stores of knowledge were indeed uncommon; but his thor- 
ough maturing of what he possessed, and ready application 
of it, to the most useful purposes, were still more uncom- 
mon, even than the extent of his literary, and the depth 
of his scientifick acquirements. These all however con- 
stituted comparatively the smallest of his claims on their 
regard. They loved him, most tenderly and firmly loved 
him, for a warm benevolence of heart, which prompted 
to uniform kindness ; for a singleness and sincerity of 
soul, which permitted and indulged the most unreserved 
confidence ; for fidelity on which entire reliance might be 
reposed. 

He possessed an unaffected delicacy of mind, which led 
him rather to retire from publick honors, than eagerly to 
seek them. His acquirements were more solid than 
showy ; his aim, " rather to be than to seem" learned and 
good. Mere popular distinction had no charms for him ; 
and the tokens of it, for which many are anxious, excited 
in him no solicitude. His doctorate came to him unex- 
pected and undesired. Some years before, he had been 
consulted respecting it, by some friends, who were desir- 
ous that he should have what they thought he so preemi- 
nently merited ; but his disinclination was explicit, and his 
wish decisive. He had no intimation that it was again 
contemplated, till after it was effected. When it was in- 
tended, within a few years, to procure a similar testimonial 
from his own Alma Mater, he requested those, who pur- 
posed it, to wave what, at so late a period, would be re- 
garded as a useless compliment. 



224 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

He estimated at its just value the approbation of the 
wise, and applause from the judicious. He was more 
than satisfied with the rank he held in his profession, and 
in the republick of letters, as it was declared by various 
unequivocal expressions of the respect of the community, 
for his powers and attainments. He coveted no one's more 
elevated situation or fame. On the contrary, he was the 
active patron of rising merit ; and the success of the de- 
serving was his solicitous effort, his unfeigned delight. 

He loved to dwell on the peculiar excellencies by which 
his acquaintance were distinguished ; nor did he seek to 
qualify his cordial commendation by unnecessarily expos- 
ing or hinting their defects or weaknesses. When he 
heard any one's character unduly depreciated, he was 
prompt and open in stating its just claims, whether arising 
from intellect, literature, morals, or other desert. He was 
lenient in respect to the failings of others ; cautious of in- 
fringing their rights, or injuring their feelings. He was 
patient towards infirmities and foibles ; inclined to over- 
look mistakes, ready to forgive injuries. 

With the loveliest simplicity, he united a noble inde- 
pendence, an unbending integrity of mind. He had a dig- 
nified superiority to all cunning ; he scorned to employ any 
little arts of management and influence ; he ever pursued 
right ends by right means. He abhorred hypocrisy ; he 
was without guile ; and if in any instance he might have 
suffered inconvenience from over frankness, no one could 
adduce a charge, never did he incur the self reproach of 
insincerity. 

With such cherished principles and fixed habits it is not 
surprising, that, while he attracted the devoted attach-, 
ment of many, he incurred the resentment of but few, the 
enmity of none. It is believed, that "he left no worthy 
man his foe." 

His failings, for as he was not above the condition of 
mortals, such he doubtless had, were overlooked in con- 
templating the peculiar benevolence of his heart : his er- 
rours, if he committed any, are forgotten in the recollec- 
tion of the predominating excellence of his conduct. 

Dr. Eliot's person was comely, his countenance agreea- 
ble and interesting. His stature was rather below the 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 225 

middle size: and his frame not muscular. His manners 
were remarkably those of the old school; polite, easy, 
unaffected; in perfect and happy consistency with his sin- 
gleness of heart and purity of character. 

It was mentioned,* that, during the season of early years, 
his constitution was exceedingly slender. It never acquir- 
ed great robustness ; but habits of regularity, temperance, 
and a tranquil tenour of feelings, secured a tolerable, and 
very uniform state of health. From the period of attaining 
mature life, he suffered few, if any considerable interrup- 
tions from sickness, in his studies or public labours. In 
the winter of 1809, he was confined for several weeks, by 
a severe peripneumony ; which occasioned to his friends, 
for a time*, strong apprehensions of his loss. But his val- 
uable life was protracted for a little span : and although 
their great anxiety, led some of those, who were most 
nearly connected with him, to an opinion, that his health 
was much impaired ; it seemed to himself that it was in 
such a good measure restored, that he never complained 
much, and seldom spoke, of an occasional indigestion, and 
of oppression in the Thorax. To a few of his most 
intimate connexions he sometimes said, that he was 
" doubtful whether all was right, at the heart ." Two days 
before his last illness, having walked faster than usual to 
meet with his associates in one of the many trusts with 
which he was charged, in attending on all which he was 
remarkably constant and punctual ; he complained of an 
unusual palpitation, and a sensation of oppressive weight, 
at the breast. He was seized with an extremely violent 
spasmodic affection of the muscles of the chest and left 
arm, in the afternoon of Wednesday, 10 February. 
Through the night, at intervals, his sufferings were exces- 
sive ; but on the next day he was so far relieved, that his 
family and friends were encouraged to expect a speedy and 
entire recovery. On Friday, the attacks were renewed ; 
and at times amounted to strong convulsions. These 
paroxisms were succeeded by complete prostration of 
strength, and by fainting; during which his sensations, 
he described to be as the pleasing dreams of a refresh- 
ing sleep. His physicians now regarded the indications as 
Ii 

*Page 212. 



226 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

decisive ; and, on being requested to give their real opin- 
ion, they apprised him of their conviction, that the result 
would be certainly and speedily fatal. He appeared fully 
prepared for the great event ; and expressed the most en- 
tire acquiescense. [H.] Every respite from extreme 
pain was employed in endeavors to calm and soothe his 
children and friends ; in imparting solemn counsel, and 
directing in regard to his manuscripts, library, and other 
concerns. He explicitly desired, as he had often intima- 
ted, that no discourse should be delivered at the time of 
interment. He had uniformly been opposed to these cer- 
emonials ; and now requested that the church and people 
would consent, that his funeral should be like that of their 
former pastor. [I.] He endured such great and almost 
uninterrupted distress, and was reduced to such a state of 
debility, that but few of the many, who anxiously visited 
the house, were introduced to his chamber. Those, who 
were thus privileged, were impressed with admiration at 
the tranquillity, which pervaded his whole demeanour; the 
serenity which beamed from his looks, or flowed from his 
lips. He had no anxiety, but that his submission might 
continue ; no solicitude, but respecting his friends ; no 
apprehension, but that he might grow impatient, if his suf- 
ferings were long protracted. His mind was unimpaired 
to the last ; and he was enabled to meet all, which was ap- 
pointed, not only without a murmur, but with devout and 
even grateful resignation. Through the whole trying 
scene, he honoured his christian profession and ministry ; 
and, with a faith unwavering, a hope full of immortality, 
he was gradually exhausted by the disease, and expired, 
about half past ten o'clock, on the morning of Lord's day, 
14 February, 1813. 



NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 



[A. Page 21 1.] For proofs of the peculiar felicity with 
which he exhibits accurate and strong resemblances, see 
" The New England Biographical Dictionary." To se- 
lect from such a gallery, the pieces of greatest merit, is ex- 
tremely difficult. The eye of a spectator most eagerly 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 227 

turns, and is most intently fixed, on the portraits of those, 
for whom the greatest attachment is felt: and the judg- 
ment, in regard to execution, is prone to a bias from the in- 
terest, which is felt in the subject. Without venturing 
on a large enumeration, and wishing to regard general 
merit, rather than be guided by individual taste, the arti- 
cles Samuel Adams, F. Ames, Belknap, Burnet, 
Chauncy, Colman, J. Hancock, Hutchinson, Increase 
and Cotton Mather, James Otis, Edmund and Josiah 
Quincy, E. Stiles, are considered to be models of char- 
acter painting. P. Thacher would have been added to 
the list, but that his life was not inserted in the Dictiona- 
ry; having been so recently published in the Collections 
of the Historical Society. See Vol. VIII. p. 277—84. 



[B. Page 211.] Reverend Andrew Eliot, D. I). 
holds a very elevated rank among American scholars and 
divines.* Both in his own country and abroad, he was 
regarded as one of our brightest lights. The University 
at Edinburgh honoured themselves, and him, by confer- 
ring the degree of doctor in divinity. Besides several 
excellent discourses on public occasions, a Volume of his 
Sermons was published in Boston, 1774, and exhibits one 
of the most honorable specimens of American talent. His 
death, 13 September, (N. S.) 1778, was attended with 
many circumstances of astonishing similarity with those, 
which marked the exit of his worthy son and successor. 

He was born 25 December, (O. S.) 1718. When 
about 3 years of age, he was taken from a tub of water ap- 
parently lifeless. The suspended animation was not restored 
until after a considerable space of time. He was graduated 
at Harvard College, 1737 ; ordained pastor of the New 
North Congregational Church, in Boston, 14 April, (O. S.) 
1742. In October following, he married Elizabeth 
Langdon, daughter of Josiah L. one of the deacons of 
his church. Her mother's maiden name was Elizabeth 
Sexton. Her brother, Ephraim L. was graduated at 
Harvard College 1752; was for many years adjunct mas- 
ter of the north latin grammar school, when Mr. Wiswall, 

*See the New England, and Allen's American Biographical Dictionaries. 



228 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

the principal, was labouring under the infirmities of age. 
He was a very rigid disciplinarian. He had studied divin- 
ity ; was a decided Socinian ; but was prevented from 
preaching, by insuperable constitutional timidity. He di- 
ed in 1764 or 1765. 

Dr. A. Eliot had eleven children, all living at the time 
of his death. His wife survived him ; and died 14 June, 
1795. 

1. Andrew was bom 11 January, 1743; was graduated at 

Harv. College 1762, was appointed librarian 1766, 
tutor 1767, one of the fellows 1773; ordained 
the Congregational minister of Fairfield, Connecti- 
cut, 1774; died in the autumn of 1805.* His 
wife was Mary, daughter of Honourable Joseph 
Pynchon. She survived him, and died 1810. 
They had seven children. Their only son Andrew, 
is now a minister of New Milford, Connecticut. 

2. Josiah: born 11 January, 1745. Was a merchant in 

Boston. Died at Georgia. 

3. Elizabeth: born 4 May, 1747; died 31 December, 

1780. 

4. Samuel: born 17 June, 1748; married Elizabeth, 

daughter of William Greenleaf, Esq. who sur- 
vived him, and is now wife of -Edward Pope, Esq. 
of New Bedford. He was a merchant in Boston ; 
died March, 1784, leaving five children. 

5. Ruth: born 2 October, 1749, was the wife of Capt. 

Thomas Knox; died 29 September, 1802, leaving 
one daughter. 

6. Mary: born 24 January, 1750, was the wife of Capt. 

Nathaniel Goodwin ; died 11 April, 1810, leaving 
one son. 

7. John : the subject of the preceding memoir, married 

10 September, 1784, Ann Tread well, daughter 
of Jacob Treadwell, Esq. of Portsmouth, N. H. 
Her mother was Ann Rogers, daughter of Daniel 
R. an apothecary in Portsmouth, who was 4th son, 
8th child, of Rev. Nathaniel R. pastor of the 1st 
church in that town. He was a son of John R. 

*See Historical Collections, X. p. 1S8. 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 229 

President of H. College, son to Rev. Nathaniel 
R. of Ipswich, Massachusetts, who was a son of 
Rev. John R. of Dedham, England, a grandson 
of John R. the Martyr at Smithfield.* 

A fine portrait of him, executed by Copley, 
is in the family of the late Dr. Eliot ; whose 
children, Andrew, John, Anna, George, Eliza- 
beth Langdon, and Mary, are lineal descen- 
dants of the 9th generation, from this famous 
divine. 

8. Sarah: born 3 November 1755; was married to Mr. 

Joseph Squire of Fairfield, Connecticut; died 
May 8, 1799, leaving five sons and four daugh- 
ters. 

9. Susanna: born 25 February, 1759 ; is the wife of Dr. 

David Hull, of Fairfield, Connecticut. 

10. Ephraim: born 29 December, 1761 ; was graduated 

at Harv. College, 1780; was qualified for the 
practice of physick ; and is an eminent druggist 
in Boston. 

11. Anna: born 27 April, 1765; was married to Capt. 

Melzar Joy ; died 28 March, 1799, leaving two 
daughters. 

The following is the genealogy, as far as has been ascer- 
tained, of this family of Eliot, (anciently Ely of) which 
has no relation to any other of the same name in America* 

I. Andrew Eliot, an emigrant from Wales, about the time 

Mr. Higginson came to Salem, was one of the 
first settlers of Beverly. His son 

II. Andrew, came over in the same vessel, with his family; 

but was himself drowned on the passage, near 
Cape Sable. His son 

III. Andrew, lived at Beverly. He was one of the jury 

that convicted those at Salem, w 7 ho were tried 
for witchcraft. This afterwards greatly exercised 
his mind ; he lamented it as a heinous sin, and 
set apart many days of fasting and prayer, to ex- 
press his penitence, and seek forgiveness. His son 

*See Alden's Historical Account of Portsmouth, Hist. Coll. X. pp. 46—9, 66, 7. 



230 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

IV. Andrew, was a merchant, in Boston, and one of the suf- 

ferers in the great fire, Cornhill, 1711; He mar- 
ried Ruth Symonds of Beverly ; and had two 
sons and one daughter. 

V. (i.) Samuel, the eldest, was a bookseller in Boston, a man 

of great intelligence and worth, who wrote seve- 
ral able pieces, with his name attached, against 
what he considered the fanaticism of Whitefield, 
Tennent, Davenport, and their followers. Of 
three daughters, one was the wife of the late Jer- 
emy Belknap, D. D.; two died single. His son, 
Samuel Eliot, Esquire, a distinguished merchant 
of Boston, was for several years President of the 
Massachusetts Bank, is Vice President of the 
Massachusetts Congregational Charitable Socie- 
ty, to the funds of which he has been a bountiful 
contributor and active patron, as also of various 
useful and benevolent institutions. 

(ii.) Ruth, was married to Nathaniel Thayer. They had 
three daughters, and one son, Ebenezer, minister 
of Hampton, N. H. father of Rev. Nathaniel 
Thayer, of Lancaster. 

(iii.) Andrew, the youngest son, is the principal subject of 
this note. 

[C. Page 212.] At this period Mr. Peleg Wiswall 
was master of this school, assisted by Mr. Ephraim Lang- 
don.* He was born at Dorchester ; was graduated at Har- 
vard College, 1702; died 1767, at the advanced period of 
84 years. Josiah Langdon, cousin to Ephraim, then had 
the care of the school, but remained not long, as he was de- 
ficient in a spirit of government. The scholars were sent, 
for about six weeks, to the South School, then under the 
care of the celebrated John Lovell,f and his son, the pres- 
ent James Lovell, Esquire. The latter was appointed tem- 
porary master of the North School; which was for some 
time in a very unsettled state. In 1768, Mr. Samuel 
Hunt was introduced to the charge, and continued in it till 
the revolutionary war ; when master Lovel having retired 
with the loyalists, Mr. H. was appointed his successor. 
He it was who offered young Mr. Eliot to College. 

*See last note, p. 227-8. t See New Eng. Biog. Diet. p. 299- 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 231 

The tutors of his class were Mr. Stephen Scales, for the 
two first years, and Mr. John Wadsworth, the two last. A 
feeling and elegant tribute to this latter instructer is given 
by his grateful and affectionate pupil, N. Eng. Biograph. 
Diet. p. 324. The other tutors, during the period of his 
pupilage were, Mr. Joseph Willard, afterwards President of 
the College, Mr. Andrew Eliot,* Mr. Timothy Hilliard, 
afterwards minister of Barnstable and Cambridge, and Mr. 
John Marsh, now D. D. of Weathersfield, Connecticut. 

[D. Page 213.] A fund was established by His Ex- 
cellency Edward Hopkins, among other important pur- 
poses, for the procuring of valuable books to be conferred 
on such students of the College, as were distinguished for 
their proficiency in various branches of literature and sci- 
ence. An engraving of the College seal, with the inscrip- 
tion " Detur Digniori" used to be pasted in the book or 
books thus conferred ; and hence the familiar name given 
to these testimonials of merit. The volume he thus re- 
ceived was " Condillac on human knowledge." 

The public performance, which was then most desired, 
because it was well understood, that the authority of College 
intended it as the highest honour, was the Latin Salutatory 
Oration. For a long period this was the only part, besides 
Syllogistic Disputations. It is believed, that the first En- 
glish exercise on commencement was a dialogue in 1769, 
by William Tudor and Jonathan W. Austin, and the first 
English oration was in 1770, by Ward Chipman. From 
that time the proportion of English pieces has been in- 
creasing, and now few in any other language are exhibited. 

[E. Page 218.] The New North was the fifth Con- 
gregational church organized in Boston ; the second, at 
the north end of the town. The North or Second 
Church was gathered, 1649, seventeen years after the 
founding of First Church; and at the commencement of 
the next century had become very numerous. Their meet- 
ing house in North Square, afterwards called the Old 
North, was crowded to overflowing; and in 1714 a new 
building was erected, and a new church amicably formed. 

* See last note, p. 228. 



232 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

The house was of wood, nearly on the spot where the 
present brick edifice stands. It was dedicated 5 May, 
1714; taken down, August, 1802; the new house com- 
pleted and dedicated 2 May, 1804. The ministers of this 
church have been 

Ordained Died Aged. 

Rev. John Webb, 20 October, 1714, 16 April, 1750, 63. 

« Peter Thacher, (installed) 28 January, 1723, 1 March, 1739, 61. 

''• Andrew Eliot, D. D. 14 April, 1742, 13 September, 1778, 59. 

" John Eliot, D. D. 3 November, 1779, 14 February, 1813, 59. 

In the sermon by the last of these worthies, on entering 
the new house of worship, is a valuable summary of the 
history of the church, and of the characters of its pastors. 
In the New England Biographical Dictionary, a more detail- 
ed account of them is given. Sermons on the death of 
.Rev. Mr. Thacher, by his colleague, by Rev. Dr. Colman, 
and Rev. William Cooper, were published, as were Rev. 
Dr. A. Eliot's sermon on the death of his colleague ; and 
Rev. P. Thacher's on the departure of Dr. A. Eliot. 

On occasion of Dr. John Eliot's death, a sermon by Rev. 
Dr. Lathrop was published by vote of the society, contain- 
ing a very interesting sketch of his last illness, with notices 
of his life and character, and a soothing application of the 
leading doctrine, " The gracious appointment of God a 
sure foundation of comfort and hope?' 1 It is understood, 
that a sermon on the same occasion, by Rev. Dr. Freeman, 
will be given to the publick ; and also that parts of a ser- 
mon at the Thursday lecture, by Rev. S. C. Thacher are 
to be inserted in the first number of a new periodical work, 
" The Christian Disciple." 

The following extracts from a sermon preached to the 
bereaved Congregation, 28 March, convey the writer's es- 
timate of the pastoral character of Dr. Eliot more fully, 
than seemed to be proper in the memoir. 

" The tender scene of his settlement is fresh in the recol- 
lection of many among you ; who can never forget the 
overpowering emotions it excited. The spectacle was as 
rare, as it was interesting, to behold one son* of a for- 
mer pastor, introducing a brother into the place of their 

*Rev. Andrew Eliot, of Fairfield, preached at the ordination of his brother, and the 
discourse was printed. 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 233 

sainted sire. How did you hang on the lips of the preach- 
er, as he dwelt on the prophetic declaration, which has 
been so well fulfilled, " The spirit of Elijah doth rest up- 
on Elisha."* Yes ; you all are witnesses, that this pre- 
diction was indeed verified. The mantle descended on 
the successour : the spirit of wisdom and meekness, of the 
fear of the Lord, and a sound mind : the spirit of prayer 
and devotion, of gentleness and love. With like affection 
and esteem was he honoured through life, with like un- 
feigned grief, mingled with like strong consolation and 
good hope, was his death regarded. The character and 
services of your late pastor are embalmed in your hearts, 
and will be had in remembrance, associated with those of 
his predecessors ; their names are united in your acknowl- 
edgments to heaven : "and the rising generation will be 
taught, to call them blessed." 

u To detail the particulars of his ministry among you ; to 
dwell minutely on the manner of his discharging the vari- 
ous public, private, and social duties of his office, would 
furnish a copious and rich theme for more than one dis- 
course ; and to the fullest description, which I could give, 
your hearts would be disposed and able to make many ad- 
ditions. Imperfect as the sketch must be, it cannot be 
wholly omitted. 

"His preaching was chiefly of a practical nature, and in a 
plain familiar style. He sought not the applause of hear- 
ers, but to convince their judgment, engage their affec- 
tions, and influence their temper. With a deep insight in- 
to human nature, he had great skill in delineating char- 
acters ; and his representations of the various influences 
of the human passions were uncommonly forcible and im- 
pressive. The disputed doctrines of our religion were 
not his frequent nor favourite topicks. He was far from 
considering all opinions, concerning the mysteries of Chris- 
tianity, as alike innocent or safe ; but he was patient in can- 
vassing the objections, he was most candid in judging, and 
kind in speaking of others. While he unfolded the great 
plan of our redemption, according to those views, which 
he entertained of this marvellous scheme of grace, all, 
who were devout and humble, shared his charitable regards. 
Kk 

*The text, 2 Kings, ii. 15. 



234 Memoir on Dr. Eliot 

For those whom he thought to labor under mistakes, he 
felt a friendly solicitude ; for any who appeared fixed in 
important errours, he fervently prayed. He believed that 
as real religion was not often in the whirlwind of controver- 
sy, the storm of passion, the fire of enthusiasm ; so neith- 
er was it ever in the listlessness of indifference, or the frost 
of insensibility, but in the still small voice of godliness and 
brotherly kindness. He was eager to promote good will 
among the ministers, and other professors of different de- 
nominations ; he was a peace-maker in his own. He 
strove sincerely, and often with much success, to heal di- 
visions, to reconcile misunderstandings, and prevent alien- 
ations in the churches of Christ, and in all our associations, 
literary, social, and sacred. 

" But Christianity, though with him not wholly or chiefly 
consisting in dogmas, was a scheme of truth, as well as of 
duty; it was a rule of faith, as well as a law r of life; it had 
its creed of doctrines, as well as its code of requirements. 
The religion he experienced and preached, was a senti- 
ment of the heart, as well as a principle of the understand- 
ing. His darling theme was grace ; richgrace ! It was 
most consonant with his tender sensibility and mild dispo- 
sition to " beseech hearers by the mercies of God." But 
he also knew that the " terrours of the Lord," were an es- 
sential part of the appointed means of " persuading" men. 
He shunned not to declare all the counsel of heaven ; he 
proclaimed both the glorious promises and the tremendous 
threatenings by which revelations is sanctioned. 

" He ever sought and prayed for your peace ; he carried 
you in his hearty prayers to God, under all your trials and 
afflictions. He was grieved in all which troubled you, 
and he partook in all which gladdened your hearts, and 
shed sunshine on your prospects. To most of the fami- 
lies in his congregation, he had opportunity for both these, 
in the course of his ministry. Though you fondly hoped 
and fervently prayed, that it might have been longer pro- 
tracted, still was it continued for such a period, as to wit- 
ness various changes. A new generation, as it were, have 
grown up under his pastoral care. In these 34 years, 
1454 have been initiated into this church by baptism ; but 
these compose not near the whole number of births. How 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. . * 235 

did he watch over jour advancing years, as a kind shep- 
herd; how impressive were his remarks and prayers, when 
you attended his catechetical exercises ; how did he no- 
tice you at home, and at school, and in all your progress 
to maturity. How many of you has he united in life's 
tenderest connexion? Of 811 couples, (1622 persons,) 
whom he has joined in marriage, numbers remain to tes- 
tify with what fond and faithful counsel he accompanied 
the nuptial benediction. How was his heart comforted, 
when you apprized him of your purpose to take the vows 
of your God; and give to your Saviour the kindness of 
your youth, and the love of your early espousals. How 
did he endeavour to make plain the access to the ordi- 
nance of the supper, and to welcome those, who, in faith, 
and penitence, and love, sought admission to this banquet 
of love. Of 263, who were admitted to the privileges of 
the christian covenant, he had the satisfaction of introdu- 
cing 161 into the fraternity of full communion. How 
did he regret that many, about whom the best hopes may 
be indulged, yet absent themselves from this last duty and 
pleasure. Numbers, it is fervently hoped, have been pre- 
pared by his ministrations for this solemn and improving 
service, as well as all other parts of the christian obliga- 
tions. Much seed, sown by his care, may be vegetating 
to produce fruit to eternal life. 

" How courteous and affable was he, in the social inter- 
course, which he maintained with you ; how disposed to 
charm and regulate festivity, by his cheerful communica- 
tions ; how improving were his most familiar interviews : 
how kind was he in advising, whenever advice was asked ; 
how faithful in reproving, if, in any instance, censure was 
incurred. He wept too, with those that wept, as well as 
rejoiced with those who rejoiced. In attentions to the sick, 
and the sorrowful, he was remarkably assiduous and ac- 
ceptable. To the dying he administered the truths, com- 
mands, and hopes of religion, with peculiar impressiveness 
and tenderness. To mourners he was indeed a son of 
consolation ; to the needy a ready and bountiful helper. 
When you are reminded of these portions of the charac- 
ter of the deceased, the wound which his separation inflict- 
ed, smarts and bleeds afresh. Your undissembled sorrow 



236 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

can scarcely be repressed, when you dwell on the recollec- 
tion of all the multiplied ties, by which your friend and 
pastor was entwined about your affections. No more 
from this sacred desk, which is invested in the sable habil- 
iments of mourning, may its late occupant dispense the 
light of his doctrine, to guide your feet into the paths of 
truth and righteousness : No longer will his prayers and 
consolations be hence poured forth for you under your af- 
flictions. You all feel that you have sustained not only a 
publick, but a personal loss. You realize, that he was to 
you a devoted frien ;!. According to your respective ages, 
you experience a sorrow like that, which is inflicted by the 
death of a parent, or a brother, or a child. 

" What then must be the breach in the domestic circle ? 
" It is deep and wide as the sea : the Almighty alone can 
heal it." Sacred be the sufferings of the respected relict, 
from whom hath ceased the desire of her eyes, and the de- 
light of her heart : To Him, who hath graciously conde- 
scended to reveal himself, among other endearing names, 
as the Consort of the widowed, the Father of the father- 
less, we devoutly commend her and her children, who 
have lost one of the most faithful and exemplary of fath- 
ers. May. his counsels ever govern, and his pattern guide 
them, The legac Tr c^his fervent prayers, and his wise in- 
structions ; his christian life and christian exit, rightly im- 
proved, will be of infinitely more value, than any extent of 
temporal inheritance. 

" Such is a very rapid sketch of the pastor, whom you 
mourn. It has been the purpose to give a representation, 
which, however imperfect, should be faithful; which, how- 
ever unequal to the merits of the subject, might speak our 
sense of our loss, and lead to a suitable improvement of 
this heavy dispensation of providence. To multitudes it 
is deeply affecting ; to his friends, his family, and you, the 
people of his charge, it is as instructive, as it is solemn and 
severe. 

" Perhaps in estimating the kind course of divine provi- 
dence, amid all the innumerable proofs of the infinite be- 
nevolence of Deity, this is one of the most illustrious ; that 
the overwhelming anguish which recent bereavement oc- 
casions, is mitigated by endurance ; that not only piety 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 237 

commands us to acquiesce, but that reflection aids us to 
be tranquil, under the heaviest afflictions; that when the 
pungency of grief subsides, it is succeeded by a calm 
composure ; that even a pensive satisfaction accompanies 
the recollection of those " who were to us, as our own 
souls." 

" Such, my christian friends, I trust is our experience 
under the late most trying dispensation. When our fath- 
er, and friend, and counsellor, w 7 as removed in so sudden 
a manner, we were ready to exclaim, " Were ever sor- 
rows like unto our sorrows?" and refusing to be comfort- 
ed, the wish could scarcely be repressed, "Let us also go, 
that we may die with him." But already are we enabled 
to remember our duty, and follow his counsel ; we ac- 
knowledge in our loss the hand of God, and are composed. 
We call on Him, and have faith that he heareth us: We 
humble ourselves under his mighty hand, " that in due 
time he may raise us up; casting our care on him," we 
realize, " that he careth for us." The last offices of affec- 
tion and respect were paid to the precious relicks, with a 
devout reference to the benediction of the Lord of life; 
we prayed to the Author of consolation, to sanctify our 
sorrows, "and went to the grave to weep there." We 
saw the tomb close on all that was mortal of our friend, 
but we " mourned not as those, who have no hope." We 
took comfort from the assured belief, that the treasure 
committed to its custody w f as not lost, but reserved for the 
resurrection at the last day. We realized that the stroke, 
which removed him was parental, and its design merciful; 
and our submission to the will of Him, who took from us 
a comfort and a blessing, was blended with gratitude, be- 
cause he gave it. 

"But though the lenient hand of time has infused some 
softening ingredients into our cup of sorrow, long will it 
be ere we shall forget its bitterness. You have paid the 
last external tokens of respect and affection to a pastor, 
whom you ever delighted to honour; but the period is 
very remote before your hearts will have discharged the 
debt of homage, with which they overflow, and which they 
unitedly acknowledge. Never, while you live, will you 
cease to recollect his virtues and graces; his amiable tern- 



233 Memoir on Dr. Eliot 

per and mild manners ; his excellent example and instruc- 
tions ; his pleasing and improving intercourse ; his pater- 
nal and brotherly attentions. These, and all the variety 
of endearing circumstances by which he was knit to your 
hearts, will form the theme of your frequent converse one 
with another. You will dwell on them with undiminishing 
interest and tenderness, and teach them to those, who en- 
joyed not the privilege of knowing them. 

" Mark the perfect man, and behold the upright ; for 
the end of that man is peace." Is it then pretended, do 
any ask, that the great and good character, the outlines of 
which have been now faintly sketched, was pure from 
faults ? It were alike vain and culpable to make such a 
pretence. His excellence was that of sincerity, not of per- 
fection. His goodness was of man, not of angel. He was 
of the descendants of the transgressors, and partook of 
their fallen nature ; he had, doubtless, temptations, against 
which he was not always successful ; and infirmities, to 
which he sometimes yielded ; and sins, which easily beset 
him, and for some pollutions from which he needed and 
implored the pardon of Him against whom all men are of- 
fenders. He had a comfortable hope, a cheering trust, 
that he was forgiven and accepted through the great Me- 
diator. And those, whose privilege it was to be admitted 
to an interview with him, in his last illness, were " com- 
forted beyond expression," with the comfort wherewith he 
"himself was comforted also of God." Oh! may the 
instructive demeanour and language of this servant of Je- 
sus, never be effaced from my lively, recollection. May 
the prayer and conviction, that the "friendship about to 
be interrupted would be renewed again," which he then 
uttered, be ever present to my mind, and give firmness to 
the resolution, ardour to the wish, energy to the supplica- 
tion, that God in mercy may grant its fulfilment. "Let 
me live the life, let me die the death of the righteous ; 
let my last end be like his!" 

[F. Page 221.] The various places of honour and trust 
to which he was elected, and which were not only unsought 
by him, but accepted in consequence of the earnest solicita- 
tions of those who thought him best adapted to fill them, 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 239 

abundantly evidence how highly those valued him, who 
knew him best. His important offices and eminent servi- 
ces in the Historical Society, and in the College have been 
mentioned.* 

Of the Convention of Congregational ministers, he was 
for many years Treasurer. At his death he was 
Secretary of the Congregational Charitable Society : 
Vice President of the Board of Commissioners of the 
Society in Scotland for promoting Christian 
Knowledge : 
Vice Treasurer of the Society for propagating the Gos- 
pel among the Indians and others in North 
America: 
Treasurer of the Massachusetts Humane Society: 
A Trustee of the Bible Society of Massachusetts : 

,, „ ,, Massachusetts Charitable Fire Society: 

,, ,, ,, Boston Library : 

,, ,, ,, Theological Library. 

He was a Corresponding Member of the New York 
Historical Society. 

His doctorate bears date Edinb. 24 June, 1797. The 
diploma is signed " Geo. Baird, Primarius* and by 
twenty three professors, among whom are Hugo Blair, 
Dugald Stewart, Alexander Frazer Tytler." 

"At a meeting of the President and Fellows of Harvard 
College, 22 February, 1813. 

"Voted, That the Corporation partake in the sorrow 
extensively felt at the death of the Rev. Dr. Eliot, who 
was amiable and excellent in all the relations of private life; 
a learned, pious, and catholic divine ; an exemplary and 
affectionate pastor of a church; a man of letters, especially 
versed in the literature and history of New England; a 
fellow of the Corporation, who secured the high esteem 
and attachment of his colleagues, by his agreeable and use- 
ful conversation, his benevolent and conciliatory disposi- 
tion and manners; joined to acknowledged consistency and 
sincerity of character, and by his enlightened and disinter- 
ested zeal in the service of the University." 

[G. Page 222.] A more detailed exposition of his lit- 
erary character is given in the following extract from a 

*Page 221—2. 



240 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

" Publick Lecture, read in the Chapel of Harvard Col- 
lege, 19 February, 1813." 

" You doubtless expect, on this occasion, some notice 
of the recent solemn, and affecting dispensation of divine 
Providence. The near connection of Doctor Eliot 
with our Society, and the distinguished services he has 
rendered it, unite with the reverence which many of you 
from personal knowledge felt for him, and I trust it may 
be added, with the kind sympathy of all of you in my 
overwhelming affliction, to render as suitable, as it is merit- 
ed, a brief tribute of gratitude, affection and esteem. 

" To others more appropriately belongs the enforcing of 
those pious considerations, which events like these are adapt- 
ed to teach. Be theirs the delightful duty of leading you in- 
this calamity, and in all that you enjoy or suffer, to acknowl- 
edge the divine hand and adore the divine sovereignty. 
Mine be the humbler attempt to portray some of the prom- 
inent features of him, concerning whose mind and man- 
ners, attainments and virtues, it may most justly be said, 

" O Almae rnatris dolor et decus, 
Uncle juvenilis exemuliim, vates materiam capiaut." 
* . _ * * J^t. ' ' , * . . " ' * - .' ' •* * * * 

* ■& -X 4fr -X- ■& # f ■& -K 

" But it is not only the endeared pastor of a church, and 
an example of the domestick and social virtues, whom 
we mourn. For the same qualities and course of action, 
that made him the delight of his relatives and near friends, 
he was highly and justly valued not only by his associates 
and numerous acquaintance, but throughout the commu- 
nity. u He was an Israelite indeed, in whom was no 
guile." Few mortals ever possessed, in a more perfect 
measure, that u ornament of great price, a meek and quiet 
spirit." " In simplicity and godly sincerity, he had his 
conversation ;" and " when the ear heard him it blessed 
him; when the eye saw him it. bore witness to him," 
that he was indeed " a good man." It cannot be omit- 
ted to give testimony to his unwearying zeal in the service 
of his young friends in their entrance into life ; especially 
in their course of study and preparation for the ministry. 
His discreet counsels, his wise instructions, his ready aid, 
secured the firmest and fondest attachment of many, who 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 241 

clung to him while living, as among their best benefac- 
tors ; who mourn his departure, as one of their severest 
trials ; and who will ever cherish in their grateful hearts 
his precious memory. 

But great as is this loss, in these various views, it has 
a still larger extent, and more afflictive operation. 

" A pillar in the fabrick of our municipal and civil inter- 
ests is laid low. Jn the high and honourable acceptation 
of the term, he was a patriot. His opinion and his suf- 
frage were ever in behalf of the good great men; his 
feelings and principles those of the class he loved and sup- 
ported. 

" A luminary is extinguished in the temple of litera- 
ture ; than which, if some may have sparkled with more 
brilliancy, none have shed a clearer, a purer, or a more 
benign radiance. As in his professional so in his literary 
walk, he never sought popularity; and he was disinclined 
to performing on public occasions. But when a sense of 
duty or the solicitations of friends prevailed, their utmost 
wishes were always fulfilled, their highest hopes gratified. 

"With an excellent natural capacity, he had been a dili- 
gent student : and he exercised much reflection in di- 
gesting his knowledge. His memory was retentive, and 
his judgment remarkably mature. His fancy was lively, 
his imagination discursive, but great learning had restrain- 
ed their exuberance ; and his compositions, while abound- 
ing with pleasing imagery, are weighty with important 
thoughts. His acquirements were vast and various. 
With the exception only of abstract mathematicks, and in 
this important and delightful science his attainments were 
far above mediocrity,* no one with whom it has been my 
privilege to be intimately conversant, has been regarded as 
more justly, if any one be equally, entit'ed to the high and 
honorable character of " a good scholar and a ripe one." 
In familiarity with classical learning, especially with the 
Latin authors, he probably left among us no superior ; 
in the science of ethicks and the philosophy of the human 
mind he had few equals ; in an intimate knowledge of the 

* Those acquainted with his whole course of study say, that at one period he devo- 
ted much time, and the utmost attention, to mathematical and physical philosophy. 

Ll 



242 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

civil and ecclesiastical history of our own country, and of 
that from which we sprung, he probably had none. For 
many years he had given a considerable part of his leisure 
to researches into the foundation and progress of the New 
England churches. He was continually attentive to col- 
lecting facts in regard to our illustrious worthies; and pre- 
paring sketches of their lives, as known from his own ob- 
servation, or as they were described by the aged friends of 
his youth, or as his extensive reading and correspondence 
enabled him to depict them. Before he had nearly accom- 
plished what he meditated, proposals were issued for the 
publication of an " American Biographical Dictionary." 
This unexpected project caused him much perplexity. 
He thought of abandoning his long meditated purpose, and 
of depositing his vast stock of materials in the archives of 
his favorite Historical Society. The other alternative 
seemed to be, a premature impression of his work ; be- 
cause if delayed, until the appearance of the other, it 
might be thought in some degree to interfere with it, and 
suspected to have been greatly indebted to it. To the for- 
mer scheme, of relinquishing the project, which had been 
announced some years before, his literary associates, and 
many others, who were apprized of his plan, would not 
consent ; and the issue, it is believed, has fully justified 
their advice. Under all the disadvantages now hinted, it 
is a monument of diligent and impartial exertion of great 
talents and learning. That he was not spared, to com- 
plete a revised and enlarged edition, is a subject of unmix- 
ed regret ; for who shall venture to apply the pencil to the 
cartoons of Raphael ? 

" Besides this work, he was the author of many very val- 
uable articles in the Collections of the Historical Society, 
and of several occasional discourses. * He contributed 

*His separate publications are, as far as known, 

A Sermon before Free Masons, anniversary of St. John, 24 June. 1782. 
A Charge do. do. do. do. ' 1783. 

A Sermon on the day of Annual Thanksgiving, 20 November 1794. 
do. at the ordination of Joseph McKean, at Milton, 1 Nov. 1797. 
do. on publick worship, 1800. 

do. on the completion of the House of Worship, for the New North Religious 
Society, 2 May, 1804. 

A Sermon at the ordination of Rev. Henry Edes, at Providence, 17 July, 1805. 
A Biographical Dictionary, account of the first settlers and other eminent characters 
in New England, 8vo. pp. 511, 1809. 

Of the articles he furnished for the Historical Collections, these are the most con- 
siderable ; 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 243 

too, with a liberal hand, from his treasures, to the Boston 
Magazine, published in 1783 — 4; and to other periodical 
miscellanies. He had contemplated preparing a volume 
of sermons for the press, but had not selected and revised 
any number; and, alas ! " his purposes are broken off." 
Had he not otherwise directed, his friends would strongly 
urge the publication of some of his manuscripts; believ- 
ing that for evangelical and useful instructions, for serious 
and truly catholic sentiments, as well as for literary value, 
they would be a very valuable and acceptable addition to 
the stock of American sermons. 

" His compositions are very little elaborated. Perhaps he 
too closely followed the maxim, of his admired Quintilian, 
" Curam verborum rerum esse solicitudinem volo."* He 
had great copiousness of language, as he had great free- 
dom of thought. The high praise of perspicuity, and ease 
is, in a remarkable measure, his just due ; and often the 
more usually coveted applause of a brilliant imagery. His 
style is peculiarly his own ; and his writing like his con- 
versation. Fond of figurative expressions, he w 7 as com- 
monly very happy in their application ; especially in illus- 
trating his thoughts, on serious subjects, by apt allusions 
from the sacred scriptures. The manner happily corres- 
ponded with the matter of his public discourses. In cor- 
rect and neat, though usually familiar language, with a me- 
lodious voice and easy gestures, his eloquence was always 
natural and agreeable. Rarely did he attempt that which 
is highly elevated, powerful, or sublime. We were re- 
minded, when we heard him, rather of the mild exhorta- 
tions and gentle entreaties of the last of the evangelists, 
than of the great apostle of the Gentiles, whom the people 
at Lystra would have worshipped, as the genius of eloquence. 

Account of burials in Boston, 1701—74, and part 1775, iv. 213—16, and 29S. 
Topographical description of New Bedford, iv. 232 — 238. 
Notice of William Whittingham, &c. and other historical scraps, with 
Narrative of newspapers in New England, v. 206 — 216, and vi. 61 — 78. 
Sketch of the life and character of Dr. Belknap, vi. 10 — 15. 

Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts and Plymouth, including biography of sev- 
eral eminent ministers, vn. 262—280, ix. i— 49, x. 1—37. & 1. N. £er. 194—210 
Historical account of John Eliot, " The Apostle to the Indians," viii. 5 — 36. 
Topographical and historical account of Marblehead, viii. 54 — 79. 
Memoirs of Dr. Thacher, viii. 277—84. 
Memoirs of Andrew Eliot, and Thomas Pemberton, x. 188—191. 

*Inst. Orat. viii. 1. 



244 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

Though these inspired primitive ministers possess the 
highest claims on our attention, yet each has some, pecu- 
liarly and appropriately his own. If required to select the 
orator of most consummate skill, either for strength of ar- 
gument, weight of sentiment, vehemence of diction, and 
irresistible pathos, the farewell address to the elders of 
Ephesus, the discourse to the men of Jerusalem, the de- 
fence before Felix, and that to Agrippa, would alone suf- 
fice to direct the admiring eye and rapturous plaudit to 
Paul of Tarsus. But in exciting the softer emotions, in 
engaging the kinder affections of the heart, where can de- 
scriptions and appeals more influential and effectual be 
found, than in the narrative of the last supper, and the dis- 
course which preceded it, and of the scene of the crucifixion, 
with the events that followed the resurrection ; by the be- 
loved John. In all his epistles, breathes the same spirit 
that dictated the address, which ecclesiastical historians 
have represented this beloved disciple to have made, when 
in advanced years, he used to be carried to the assemblies 
of the primitive church. His infirmities preventing a long 
exhortation, he again and again used only to say, " little 
children love one another." 

"Among his fondest literary attachments, the writings of 
Erasmus, Le Clerc, and especially of Jortin* were pre- 
eminent. 

*His resemblance to this last, who was in such a peculiar degree, his favourite au- 
thor, was often remarked by his friends one to another. Probably they had been pre- 
vented expressing this to him ; for th^re was such an unaffected delicacy of manner 
combined with his dignity of mind, that it was extremely difficult to speak to him of 
his excellencies. In the most unreserved intimacies of a long friendship, I never 
could give vent in his presence to the praises which his performances merited. One,* 
whom he highly and justly valued, has recently publickly paid the tribute, which all 
acknowledged appropriately due. 

When this was shewn to him in print, he was extremely embarrassed, and evident- 
ly distressed, at what he alone regarded as unmerited. "To deserve that," he said, 
"would fill the measure of my ambition." By some of his intimate associates, by 
one at least, the parallel is thought to reflect nearly as much lustre on the transat- 
lantic elder brother, as can be derived by our countryman from the proud cognomen. 
This is deliberately said, under a full impression of what Jortin was ; which impres- 
sion cannot be described more satisfactorily, than it has been by the celebrated Dr. 
Parr. The quotation, though long, will it is presumed be acceptable, both for its in- 
trinsick excellence, and as a sketch of the present subject, so wonderfully exact, that 
it almost seems as though it could only have been copied from our lately departed 
friend. 

" Learned he was without pedantry ; he was ingenious without the affectation of 
singularity. He was a lover of truth, without hovering over the gloomy abyss of 

*Rei>. Mr. Jenks, in an Eulogy pronounced at Bowdoin College the last com- 
mencement, refers to Dr. E.'s account of his Excellency Gov. B. as the opinion "0/ 
the modest and learned Jortin of New England." Page 18. 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 245 

"To very few men is our College under greater obli- 
gations, than to the late and the former Doctor Eliot. The 
father was actually chosen in 1774, president of this Uni- 
versity, of which for many years as an overseer, and as a 
fellow of the Corporation, he too was one of the ornaments 
and props. But he declined, because he was so greatly 
attached to his people, and their reciprocal value for him 
seemed, in his view, to forbid a separation. 

"The son was judged by very many to possess all the 
most essential requisites, for that important place ; if not 
gifted with the same commanding and popular manner, 
which crowned the father's qualifications for this office. 
Whether those on whom the choice devolved, ever in form 
proposed to him such an arrangement, is not known ; but 
it is known, that when an intimate acquaintance and 

skepticism ; and a friend to free inquiry, without roving into the dreary and pathless 
wilds of latitudinarianism. He had a heart, which never disgraced the powers of his 
understanding. With a lively imagination, an elegant taste, and a judgment most 
masculine, and most correct, he united the artless and amiable negligence of a school 
boy. Wit without ill-nature, and sense without effort, he could, at will, scatter upon 
every subject, and in every book, the writer presents us with a near and distinct view 
of the real man. 

" Ut omnis 

" Votiva pateat tanquam descripta Tabella 
" Vita senis. "* 

" His style, though inartificial, is sometimes elevated : though familiar it is never 
mean. 

"At the shadowy and fleeting reputation, which is sometimes gained by the petty 
frolicks of literary vanity, or the mischievous struggles of controversial rage, he never 
grasped. Truth, which some men are ambitious of seizing by surprise, in the track- 
less and dark recess, he was content to overtake in the broad and beaten path ; and 
in pursuit of it, if he does not excite our astonishment by the rapidity of his strides, 
he at least secures our confidence by the firmness of his step. To the examination of 
positions advanced by other men, he always brought a mind, which neither prepos- 
session had seduced, nor malevolence polluted. He had too much discernment to 
confound difference of opinion with malignity or dulness ; and too much candour to 
insult, where he could not persuade. Though his sensibilities were neither coarse nor 
sluggish, he yet was exempt from those fickle humours, those rankling jealousies, and 
that restless waywardness, which men of the brightest talents are too prone to in- 
dulge. He carried with him into every station in which he was placed, and every 
subject which he explored, a solid greatness of soul, which could spare an inferiour, 
though in the offensive form of an adversary, and endure an equal, with or without 
the sacred name of a friend. The importance of commendation, as well to him who 
bestows, as to him who claims it, he estimated not only with justice, but with deli- 
cacy ; and therefore he neither wantonly lavished it, nor withheld it austerely. 

" The esteem and affection which I feel for so profound a scholar, and so honest a 
man, make me wholly indifferent to the praise or censure of those who vilify without 
reading his writings, or who read them without finding some incentive to study, some 
proficiency in knowledge, or some improvement in virtue, "t 

*Hor. Sat. L. ii. I. 32. 

tSee Tracts printed for Charles Dilly, 1789. 



246 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

confidential friend once hinted his wish and expectation 
that such might be the result, with the frankness and sin- 
cerity which singularly characterised him, he disclaimed 
all pretensions and wishes for such an honour. At the 
same time he declared, both because he was conscious of 
a want of adaptation in many particulars, (to say nothing 
of other objections) and because he was completely happy 
in his pastoral connexion, that it would not require a mo- 
ment's effort to decline it, were the offer to be made. 

"The departure of a man, like the one thus rapidly sketch- 
ed, is indeed no common loss. In the contemplation of 
his capacity and disposition, to serve the interest of this an- 
tient school of religion and learning, and of the power, which 
his hold on the publick confidence, by his character for 
moderation and integrity, gave him, to be eminently useful 
to it ; we are ready to pronounce our deprivation the great- 
est that could be sustained. For myself, allow a paragraph 
of egotism, I cannot adequately express, and but imperfect- 
ly hint, the extent of my loss. It is of one, who was the 
counsellor of my collegiate course ; a guide, in my profes- 
sional studies; of a friend, who took me by the hand, and 
led me not only among the groves of science and the foun- 
tains of literature, but into " the green pastures " of sacred 
truth, " beside the still waters " that flow from the mountain 
of Zion. His judgment has been influential in settling all the 
arrangements of my life. He directed to me the inquiries 
of those, among whom I passed the delightful period of my 
ministry ; his opinion did much in deciding my settlement 
with that people, who will ever be greatly endeared to my 
heart. While he fully knew and approved the reasons for 
my not engaging earlier in the duties of instruction here, he 
balanced my wavering mind, in reference to the existing 
connexion ; to his advice and countenance any service that 
has resulted is to be chiefly attributed ; and on him I relied, 
for the effecting of some further arrangements, which might 
render it more pleasant and beneficial. With him all my 
plans of useful occupation, in any leisure hours, were in 
common, and on his approbation greatly depended the ac- 
complishment of whatever I had meditated, and was pur- 
suing. But he is removed from my side ; and beyond 
the circle of relatives, what greater loss can I endure. I 



Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 247 

am indeed bereaved of a second father. Excepting the 
tender ligaments which bind me to endeared domestic con- 
nexions, I can sincerely adopt the language of Beza, re- 
specting his illustrious friend Calvin. 

" Hereby the strongest tie on earth is severed, 
"The bitterest pang is extracted from death*"* 

[H. Page 226.] The proximate cause of his death is rep- 
resented by his attending physician, Isaac Rand, M. D. 
to have been " an organick disease of the heart." On ex- 
amination, after his decease, it was found that " the heart 
was much enlarged and inflamed; with a little purulent ap- 
pearance on its surface. The pericardium was thickened 
and inflamed. Some of the valves of the heart were car- 
tilaginous. Large coagula of coagulated lymph with cras- 
samentum were in the auricles and ventricles of the heart ; 
a very large coagulum in the left ventricle, occluding the 
passage of the blood into the aorta. It is thought the dis- 
ease of the heart was not recent ; the coagula had proba- 
bly been for some time increasing, but when the obstruc- 
tion was such as to occlude the passage of the blood into 
the great artery, death was instant and unavoidable." 

One of the gentlemen, who attended the examination, 
John C. Warren, M. D. from appearances then exhibited, 
and from inquiry respecting the commencement and pro- 
gress of the fatal attack, considered the case to be acute, 
and termed it " Malignant inflammation of the Pericardi- 



um." 



44 No remarkable external appearance presented itself. 
In the cavity of the chest, the lungs exhibited a natural and 
healthy appearance ; and their vessels were very moder- 
ately charged with blood. The mucous membrane of the 
bronchia? had a slight appearance of inflammation. The 
pleura was not inflamed, but exhibited a net work of ves- 
sels in various parts, which probably would have gone on 
to decided inflammation. The cavities of the pleura 
contained a little serous fluid. The loose pericardium 
was covered with a uniform, but delicate blush, deepest 
near the diaphragm. The pericardium, which closely in- 
vests the heart, exhibited marks of violent inflammation. 
It was generally of a red color, but this colour became 

*The exact words do not occur to recollection. The original expression is as beau- 
tiful as the thought. 



248 Memoir on Dr. Eliot. 

of a lived hue on the surface, next the diaphragm, like the 
colour of parts tending to gangrene. This membrane was 
thickened and in many parts covered with coagulated 
lymph. A small quantity of serum, mixed with semi-pu- 
rulent lymph, was contained in its cavity. The substance 
of the heart was swelled and remarkably tender. It was 
covered with fat. None of its cavities were enlarged. 
They were all filled with blood, which was principally fluid. 
The semilunar valves of the aorta had the hardness of a 
fibro-cartilage, and in some places were in a state near os- 
sification. The inner coat of the aorta was brittle, and con- 
tained a number of hard specks. The organs in the cavity of 
the abdomen were in a healthy state, and exhibited no very 
remarkable appearance." Jour, of Med. Vol. II. p. 155. 

[I. Page 226.] The funeral was attended on Thursday, 
18 February, with great solemnity, by a vast concourse. 
A prayer was made, by Rev. Dr. Lathrop, at the house, 
with the family and relatives of the deceased, and his breth- 
ren of the ministry and the College. The bereaved 
church and congregation, the members of various socie- 
ties with which he was connected, and a numerous assem- 
bly of acquaintance and strangers, attended at the meeting- 
house, where a prayer was offered by Rev. Mr. Chan- 
ning. The pall supporters were, Rev. Dr. Lathrop, and 
Dr. Freeman, of Boston ; Dr. Porter, of Roxbury ; Mr. 
Harris, of Dorchester; President Kirkland, and Professor 
McKean, of Harvard College. These in succession 
preached to the afflicted society, from the following pas- 
sages of holy writ, applied to the solemn occasion. 

Feb. 21. Rev. J. Lathrop, D. D. 1 Thess. v. 9, 10, 11. "For God hath not 

" appointed us to wrath; but to obtain sal- 
'• vation by our Lord Jesus Christ," &c. 

" 28. " J. T. Kirkland, D.D. Isaiah, lvii. 2. "He shall enter into peace; 

" they shall rest in their beds, each one 
" walking in his uprightness." 
Mar. 7. " J. Freeman, D. D. Romans, xii. 7 — 18. " Let us wait on our 

" ministering, or he that teacheth 
"on teaching;" &c. 

" 14. " E. Porter, D. D. John, xi. 16. " Let us also go that we may 

" die with him." 

" 21. " T.M.Harris, Hebrews, xiii. 7. " Remember them who 

" have spoken unto you the word of 
"God; whose faith follow, considering 
"the end of their conversation." 

" 28. " J. McKean, John, xx. 20. " The disciple whom Je- 

" SUS LOVED." 



Letter from Rev. I. Smith. 249 



[An unexpected failure of some articles for this volume, having caused an interrup- 
tion in the printing of nearly three months, gives opportunity for the insertion of the 
following communication from a highly respected friend. ] 

Boston, July 26, 1813. 
Dear Sir, ' 

In the just tribute you have paid to the memory of our 
late excellent friend, Dr. J. Eliot, it is suggested in a note, 
p. 231, that the first English exercises at commencement 
were in 1 769. From my recollection for a few years pri- 
or to that date you will permit me to give you the follow- 
ing information. 

On commencement day, 1763, Jedidiah Huntington 
pronounced the first English oration known on such an 
occasion, in the morning, and in the afternoon John Lowell 
and William Hooper spoke a dialogue in English, on the 
advantages of the peace then recently concluded between 
England, France and Spain, which met with much ap- 
plause. 

In 1764, there was no public commencement on ac- 
count of the small pox, prevalent that year, w 7 hich produc- 
ed a long vacation at College. 

1765. Joseph Taylor delivered an English oration, 
A. M. I do not remember any thing spoken in English 
P.M. 

1766. Jonathan L. Austin spoke an oration in En- 
glish, A. M. and Josiah Quincy another, P. M. 

1767. Thomas Bernard had prepared one, but from 
diffidence on account of an hesitancy in his speech or some 
o,ther reason, did not choose to deliver it. There was a 
dialogue between Daniel Johnson and Moses Holt. Noth- 
ing that I remember P. M. 

Of 1768, I do not remember any thing particular; but 
believe that nothing was spoken in English. 

You are right as to Ward Chipman, 1770. I well re- 
collect an oration which he delivered on law. Austin and 
Tudor, 1769, are not so fresh in my mind, but have no 
doubt of the correctness as to them. 

I am, my dear Sir, yours, 

ISAAC SMITH. 
Mm 



250 Letter from the Right Reverend, 



Rev. John Eliot, Minister of the New North Church, 
Boston, New England. 

Calgarth Park, Kendall, 13 June, 1807. 

Reverend Sir, 

The day before yesterday I was honoured by your let- 
ter of the 26th May, 1806, delivered to me by Mr. Buck- 
minster, whom I could not prevail upon to favour me with 
more than an en passant visit ; though I am certain, from 
what I saw of him, that I have cause to lament, that his 
engagements would not suffer him to make a longer stay. 

I accept with great pleasure and gratitude the distinc- 
tion you announce to me of being elected a member of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society. My studies have 
not, at any period of my life, been particularly directed to 
historical inquiry ; and, at the age of seventy, I must de- 
spair of being able to render the Society any service as an 
associate ; especially as I am unacquainted with its general 
design, as it respects ancient or modern history. 

Nothing can be more interesting, either to philosophers 
or divines, than the history of the human species, consid- 
ered either in its several parts, or as constituting one great 
w T hole. The first will be gratified with tracing the pro- 
gression and retrogradation of human intellect, according 
to the influence of physical and moral causes, in every part 
of the world, and in every age; and the second will be 
penetrated with the highest veneration for the Bible, which 
commences, as it were, and arranges the history of man- 
kind, by referring all nations to one common stock. In 
this view the distinction between ancient and modern 
history vanishes, the two together are united into one 
whole, originating in Adam, and subjected to the moral 
government of that one incomprehensible Being from 
whom every thing is derived. The real existence and the 
extent of this moral government is best discerned by com- 
paring the circumstances of the whole species, with respect 
to happiness, morals, and intelligence, at distant periods. 

The peopling of America by European christians, and 
the rise of a great empire, (which is now beginning to at- 






the Lord Bishop of Landaff. 251 

tract the notice of other States) in that quarter of the 
globe, will he contemplated by future ages as important 
epochs in the general history of man ; and they will, by 
the art of printing, become known to our latest posterity, 
freed from that confusion, uncertainty, and contradiction in 
which the histories of remote ages are universally involved. 
If the labours of your society are restricted, principally, 
to the history of your own country, here is abundant mat- 
ter for erudite and extensive investigation. In addition 
to all that can now be known of the civil histories of Peru, 
or Mexico, and of the savage nations yet subsisting in the 
interior of the country, a copious source of historical de- 
tail is opened by the separation of America from Great 
Britain. The causes which produced that separation, the 
great men who accomplished it, and the consequences 
which have followed it, highly merit the most accurate 
narration. The introduction of the sciences, the estab- 
lishment of literary societies, the cultivation of the arts, the 
gradual improvement or deterioration of the principles of 
government in the several states composing the general 
confederation, the policy or impolicy of European allian- 
ces, the extension of commerce, the practicability or 
utility of forming American settlements in Asia or Africa, 
these and matters such as these, present themselves to my 
mind as fit objects of historical discussion. But I forbear, 
from not having any knowledge of the ends for which your 
Society has been instituted ; and I conclude with express- 
ing my most ardent wishes, that the offspring of Great 
Britain may be as illustrious in the peaceful arts of life, as 
the mother from which she has sprung has long been, and 
that it may be more fortunate than the parent has been in 
escaping the calamity of frequent wars, principally occasion- 
ed by the avarice of commerce, and the ambition of des- 
potism ; and more fortunate, also, in escaping that excess 
of wealth, which, by introducing luxury, contaminates 
the probity of individuals, enervates the physical strength 
of nations, and subverts the freest constitutions. 
I have the honor to be, 
Reverend Sir, 

Your faithful servant, 

R. LANDAFF. 



252 Memoir of Hon. James Sullivan. 



BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR OF THE HONOURABLE JAMES 
SULLIVAN, ESQ. F. H. S. &C. &X. BY J. W. 

The late governour Sullivan, one of our original asso- 
ciates in the Historical Society, and our first president, was 
born at Berwick, in the District of Maine, on 22 April, 
1744, and is said to be fourth son to his father, who came 
from Europe, and settled in that town, as a farmer. The 
son having met with an hurt, which proved a lasting inju- 
ry to him in walking, turned his attention to the study of 
the law, under his brother John Sullivan, who afterward 
became eminent as one of our revolutionary generals, and 
as governour of the state of New Hampshire. When the 
term of study expired, he opened his office at Biddeford, 
on Saco river, and continued there until after the com- 
mencement of our revolutionary war. He had, even at that 
early period of life, attracted the attention of the govern- 
ment, who appointed him attorney general for the county 
of York. Our dispute with Great Britain was then grow- 
ing serious. Mr. Sullivan was able at once to appreciate 
the advantages to the community from a vigorous asser- 
tion of our rights, and we find him uniformly joining the 
band of patriots, who nobly defeated the claims of Great 
Britain, and at length obliged her to recognise our inde- 
pendence. During almost the whole of the contest, we 
find his name in situations both honourable and responsi- 
ble. He represented the town of Biddeford in the provin- 
cial Congress in 1774 and 1775, and in the legislature, 
which was regularly formed upon the model of the char- 
ter, in 1776. In the first set of officers for the civil depart- 
ment, he was appointed judge of the maritime court in the 
district in which he resided. The next year he was called 
to the superiour court, as the supreme judiciary was then 
denominated. Soon after this promotion he removed his 
family to Groton, where he purchased a farm. 

Necessity had obliged the government to defray the ex- 
pences of war by the medium of an unfunded paper cur- 
rency. Toward the end of 1777 the depreciation became 
visible, and to those who were limited in their resources, as 



Memoir of Hon. James Sullivan. 253 

public officers and literary men generally were, it became 
distressing. Mr. Sullivan however, far from being discour- 
aged, continued his official exertions, until it had become 
evidently necessary for the enemy to accede to our claims. 
He then, in 1782, resigned his office of judge, and removed 
his family to Cambridge, and soon afterward to Boston, 
which became the place of his stated residence till his death. 
He was appointed a delegate to Congress in 1783, and was 
continually in some station of public employment during 
the remainder of his life. The times of his different pro- 
motions, or occasional employment in public service, are 
particularly detailed in an elegant memoir written on the 
occasion of his death, by one of the most accomplished 
literati of our country, and published in the periodical pro- 
ductions of that time. 

His mind was not only uncommonly comprehensive, 
but always on the stretch. He published a learned work 
in his profession, and wrote an history of that part of the 
state in which he began life. Both these works are es- 
teemed in the different departments to which they relate, 
and though neither of them is supposed to be perfect, yet 
the imperfections are such as would hardly be noticed in 
writers of the common stamp. He published a number 
of smaller tracts, which have not yet been collected into a 
volume, though generally speaking the same vigorous in- 
tellect appeared in all his writings ; yet from several of 
them being written on special occasions, they have not ac- 
quired the permanent form. 

In every department in which he served, strict fidelity, 
due attention to the rights of all with whom he transacted 
business, and unremitting industry, united to friendly man- 
ners, gained the esteem and affection of the communi- 
ty, which they expressed by electing him governour of 
Massachusetts in 1807, and re-electing him in 1808. 
During this period, overburthened with publick cares, and 
worn out by a continual succession of difficult and arduous 
employments, his constitution began to fail, and before the 
expiration of the second year of his administration, he sunk 
into his grave. He continued however, notwithstanding 
the decline of his health, to do business till within a few days 



254 Memoir of Rev. William Emerson. 

of his death, and transacted it with the same regularity in 
the near views of his dissolution, as when he was in health. 
His mind was supported by the christian hope, and faith, 
that death was to those, who had done their duty here, on- 
ly a change of abode, and an entrance on a more perma- 
nent state of enjoyment. 

As governour he was remarkably successful in mitigating 
the severity of the political parties, which divided the state, 
and their leaders generally and sincerely regretted his 
death. He died on 10 December, 1808, in the sixty fifth 
year of his age, and was buried with the honors conferred 
on his exalted station, and which were acknowledged to 
belong to his distinguished merit. 



MEMOIR OF THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF THE LATE 
REV. WILLIAM EMERSON. 

The late Rev. William Emerson was a man so much 
esteemed by the publick, and is remembered with so much 
respect and affection by his friends, that it would be unjust 
that these volumes, which his own labours contributed to 
enrich, should not contain some record of his life and some 
memorial, however imperfect, of his worth. 

The life of a scholar, and particularly of a clergyman, 
whose occupations are necessarily so regular and uniform, of 
course can seldom furnish many materials for biography. 
Mr. Emerson was born at Concord, Massachusetts, on 
the 6th of May, 1769. He was the only son of the minis- 
ter of that place, whose career of usefulness was premature- 
ly closed in the 35th year of his age, while he was engaged 
in the service of his country at the beginning of the Ameri- 
can revolution. Though deprived of the guidance of a 
father at the early age of seven years, he' was enabled by 
the blessing of heaven on the care of an excellent mother 
to pass a blameless childhood. When in his seventeenth 
year he entered Harvard College, his views of life were 
already so just, his habits of industry so fixed, and his 
principles of action so elevated and correct, that he passed 
through the temptations to which he was exposed unhurt, 



Memoir of Rev. William Emerson. 255 

and left the university in 1789 with a reputation for tal- 
ents, learning, and virtue ? which his succeeding life con- 
firmed and increased. 

After engaging for a short time, as is usual with most of 
our clergy, in the care of a school, he completed his theolog- 
ical studies, and in the year 1792 was ordained over the 
church in Harvard. From this place he was called to a 
sphere of wider usefulness in the metropolis, and was instal- 
led in the First Church, Boston, October, 1799. Here the 
suavity and courtesy of his manners, and the fidelity and 
ability with which he discharged his pastoral duties, secured 
to him a great share of public esteem and affection. He 
became a member of nearly all the learned and charitable 
societies, which in this town are so numerous, and in most 
of them was entrusted with some important office. He 
was never weary in contriving and encouraging plans for 
the improvement of the moral and literary character of the 
community. In the year 1804 he undertook the conduct 
of the Monthly Anthology and Boston Review, a literary 
journal, which, in conjunction with several friends whom 
he interested in its fate, he gratuitously supported, and 
which sustained a reputation not inferior to any similar 
work, which had preceded it in this country. He contin- 
ued in the uninterrupted discharge of these multiplied du- 
ties to great acceptance till May, 1808, when his friends 
perceived the first indications of his precarious health. 
The manner in which he bore the violence of a disease, 
which attacked him at this period, cannot be better descri- 
bed than in the language of one his friends,* who already 
alas ! himself claims from us the same sad tribute which 
he gave to his deceased brother. 

" Of the practical strength of his faith and piety he was 
permitted to give us a memorable example during the 
sudden attack, which he sustained a few years since in all 
the fullness of his health and expectations, when he was 
busily preparing for a public service. Those who then 
saw him brought down in an instant, and without any pre- 
vious warning, to the gates of death, can never forget the 
steadfastness with which he received the alarm, and the 

* Rev. J. S. Buckminster's Sermon at the funeral of Mr. E. 



256 Memoir of Rev. William Emerson. 

singular humility and composure with which he waited 
during many days, doubtful of life and expecting to leave 
all that was dear to him on earth to present himself before 
God."* 

From this attack however he apparently recovered, and 
resumed all his usual employments with his accustomed 
activity and interest. The occasion of the erection of a 
new place of publick worship for the First Church sug- 
gested to him the plan of a history of that ancient and 
respectable society. It has been published since his de- 
cease by his friends, and though labouring under the dis- 
advantage of being posthumous and incomplete, it displays 
great accuracy and minuteness of research, and is read with 
pleasure and profit by those, who take an interest in the 
early history and ecclesiastical antiquities of our country. 
In preparing this work he was engaged till the symptoms 
of the disease, which finally closed his life, interrupted his 
labours, while employed in an analysis of the works and 
character of Chauncy. He sustained the severity of a 
lingering and distressing disorder with the most exempla- 
ry fortitude and christian tranquillity till at length he sunk 
under its force on 11th of May, 1811. 

Such are the few incidents, possessing sufficient gene- 
ral interest to be here recorded, which are to be found in 
the peaceful and even tenor of the life of this excellent man. 
In reviewing his character and attainments it is not difficult 
to show the grounds of that reputation, which during his 
life he enjoyed. He was a man of lively and vigorous 
talents, and possessed the rare felicity of having them so 
constantly at command, that his literary efforts are almost 
all of nearly equal excellence. He possessed great diligence 
and activity in every pursuit in which he engaged, and was 
remarkably methodical and exact in the distribution of his 
time. If we were to select any single feature as mark- 
ing his character more distinctly than any other, we should 

* " It was in the year 1808, that he was attacked with a profuse hcmorrhnge from 
the lungs, from the effects of which he never completely recovered. But the disease, 
of which he died, had not probably the remotest connexion with this bleeding. It ap- 
peared upon examination, that the lower orifice of the stomach was almost entirely 
closed by a schirrhous tumour, or hard swelling, which on the inside was ulcerated. 
So completely was the passage of the pylorus obliterated, that a drop of water could 
hardly be pressed through it from the stomach, which was full." 



Memoir of Rev. William Emerson. 257 

say it was the singular propriety with which he filled every 
station to which he was called. His strong curiosity led 
him to engage in a great variety of studies; and his love 
of activity allowed his friends to lay upon him the 
burden of a great multitude of occupations in the va- 
rious literary and charitable societies of which he was a 
member. This variety and number of his duties — though 
they did not leave him leisure to carry his researches very 
deeply into many sciences — -enabled him to gain a merited 
fame for active usefulness and devotion to the cause of be- 
nevolence ; a fame, in the eye of reason and religion, far 
more valuable, than any renown, w T hich can be claimed 
by a man of barren, though ever so profound specu- 
lation. 

As a clergyman he was greatly endeared to his society. 
His manner in the pulpit was graceful and dignified, though 
seldom impassioned. His sermons were remarkably chaste 
aud regular in their structure, correct and harmonious in 
their style, seldom aiming at the more daring graces of 
rhetoric, but always clear and accurate, and, to a great 
majority of hearers, particularly acceptable. 

In all the private relations of life he was most exemplary 
and conscientious. His purity was without a stain. His 
integrity was above all suspicion. No man delighted more 
in the happiness of his friends, or would more actively and 
disinterestedly exert himself to promote it. How deep- 
ly he felt the truth and value of the religion which he 
preached no one could doubt, who witnessed the consola- 
tion and support, which they gave him in his dying mo- 
ments. By a life uniformly devoted to the cause of truth, 
and of the best interests of mankind, he has left to his chil- 
dren and friends a rich legacy in the remembrance of his 
virtues. He has given them one more motive to form 
their lives on the principles, which governed his, that they 
may hereafter share with him the rewards, which, we 
trust, he has already gone to receive. 

The following is given as a correct list of Mr. E's ac- 
knowledged publications. 

1. Sermon at Harvard, 4 July, 1794. 

2. Sermon at the artillery election, Boston, 1799. 

Nn 



258 Biographical Notices of Isaac Lothrop, Esq. 

3. Sermon before the Roxbury Charitable Society, 1800. 

4. Sermon at the ordination of Rev. Robert Smiley, 23 
September, 1801. 

5. Boston Oration, 4 July, 1 802. 

6. Sermon on the death of Rev. Dr..Thacher, 1802. 

7. Sermon at the Ordination of Rev.Thomas Bede, 1 803. 

8. Sermon on the death of madam Bowdoin, 1803. 

9. Sermon before the Boston Female Asylum, 1805. 

10. Sermon on the death of Charles Austin, 1806. 

11. Discourse before the Humane Society, 1807. 

12. The first, second, third, and seventh discourses in 
the fourth number of the Christian Monitor, with the 
prayers annexed to each discourse. 

13. A selection of psalms and hymns, embracing all the 
varieties of subject and metre, suitable for private de- 
votion and the worship of churches, 12mo. 1808. 

14. Sermon at the ordination of Rev. Mr. Clark, Bur- 
lington, 1800. 



ESQ. 

This gentleman was a decendant, in the fifth genera- 
tion, from the Rev. John Lothropp, of whom a full ac- 
count is given in this volume.* He was born at Ply- 
mouth, December 11th, 1736, (O. S.) and was the 
son of Isaac Lothrop, Esq. a gentleman of distinguished 
worth, who died at the age of 43, in the year 1750. 

This son, who was the oldest of five children left by 
Colonel Lothrop, after receiving the usual school educa- 

*In the good-humoured orthographical dispute, relative to the family name, Mr. 
Lothrop always strenuously contended for the preservation of the o in the first sylla- 
ble. Some of the descendants of the Rev. J. Lothropp, especially the Connecticut 
branch, write the name Lathrop. The writer of this note well recollects the pleasure 
with which his esteemed friend received the two original letters of his ancestor, which 
were found among the Window papers at Marshfield, in the year 1792. Every word 
and syllable was precious in his estimation : But he was particularly gratified in find- 
ing the name so written, as to support the practice of the Old Colony branch of de- 
scendants. It is not recollected how the modern omission of one of the consonants 
was excused or explained. 

From a recurrence to the original letters, copied into the Memoir of the Rev. John 
Lothropp, it appears that the names of the two persons, who signed the last letter with 
Mr. Lothropp, (left partly in blank in the printed copy,) were Henry Cobb and Elka- 
nah Robinson. In the same letter, page 174 of this volume, line 19th, for primer, 
rend firmer : and in the first line of the other letter, page 171, for towards, read 
touching. 



Biographical Notices of Isaac Lothrop, Esq. 259 

tion, lived seven years with Mr. Joseph Sherburne, a mer- 
chant in Boston. He remained about two years in Bos- 
ton, after the expiration of his clerkship, and then return- 
ed to Plymouth, where he spent the remainder of his life, 
first as a merchant ; but from the year 1778 he confined 
himself to his official duties, as register of probate for the 
county. 

Integrity, veracity, kindness, habitual courteousness, af- 
fability, cheerfulness and unaffected simplicity marked his 
character, and the impressions made by his virtuous life 
and amiable deportment cannot be effaced from the hearts 
of those, who had the pleasure of his friendship or ac- 
quaintance. He was elected a member of the Historical 
Society in October, 1791. His well known attachment to 
Antiquarian researches led to the choice, and he uniformly 
manifested a lively interest in the objects of the Society, 
its reputation and usefulness. He died July 25, 1808. 
Soon afterward, one of his friends, at Plymouth, officially 
connected with the deceased, and who well knew his 
worth, made the following communication, which was pub- 
lished in one of the Boston newspapers, and gives a just 
view of his character. 

" Died at Plymouth, on the morning of the 25th instant, 
Isaac Lothrop, Esq. in the 73d year of his age. — If the in- 
clinations of the deceased had been consulted, his singular 
modesty would have resisted any other obituary notice of 
him, than that already given ; but in Mr. Lothrop were 
united so many excellent traits of character, that it would 
be injustice to his memory to pass them in silence. 
Though unambitious, and disposed rather to avoid than 
court distinction, by the unsolicited suffrages of his fel- 
low citizens, he was chosen one of the representatives of 
Plymouth, in the legislature and provincial Congress, 
some few years prior and subsequent to the commence- 
ment of hostilities in the late revolutionary war. In 
those trying and anxious times ? he exhibited the purest 
patriotism and an unshaken confidence in the rectitude and 
ultimate success of the cause of his country. In all the 
conflicting periods since, he has manifested an uniform 
attachment to the principles of the revolution, if an unde- 



260 Biographical Notices of Isaac Lothrop, Esq. 

viating adherence to the political system of the illustrious 
Washington is proof of such attachment. In the 
year 1778, he was appointed Register of Probate for the 
county of Plymouth, which office he retained to his 
death. The unbending uprightness that marked his con- 
duct in this office, the ability and gentlemanly manner 
with which he discharged the duties of it, will long be 
remembered with affectionate respect. He cherished 
with lively ardour, a natural fondness for antiquity ; and 
so exalted was his veneration of the pious planters of 
New-England who first landed in this town, that he de- 
lighted in tracing their every foot-step, and the minutest 
circumstances of their history were treasured in his mind. 
Hence, soon after the institution of the Historical Society, 
he was elected a member, and among the earliest mem- 
bers of the Humane Society he enrolled his name. In 
his friendships, he was steady, ardent, sincere ; — undis- 
guised in his feelings, and removed from the least tinc- 
ture of duplicity, his bosom was the sacred depository of 
confidential intercourse. If his prejudices were strong, 
they were invariably pointed at what he devoutly believed 
to be profligacy in principle, or dishonesty in practice. 
Such in fine, was Mr. Lothrop's scrupulous integrity, 
such his thorough detestation of every species of iniqui- 
tous, or even temporizing procedure, that the inscription 
on the tomb-stone of his beloved father, would be an ap- 
propriate one for his own : — 

" Had virtue's charms the power to save, 
Its faithful votaries from the grave, 
This stone had ne'er possess'd the fame, 
Of being mark'd with Lothrop's name." 



,EJVD OF VOL. I. SECOND SERIES. 



V